Category Archives: First World War

One Colonel Hagarty, two Lieutenants D.G. Hagarty, and the 201st CEF Battalion

By Major Adam Saunders, CD (Ret’d) for the Maple Leaf magazine of the Central Ontario Branch of the Western Front Association.


One Colonel Hagarty, two Lieutenants D.G. Hagarty, and the 201st CEF Battalion

It seems straightforward and practical that CEF non-commissioned officers (NCOs) were assigned service numbers upon attestation to avoid confusion among the 650,000 soldiers in uniform during the First World War. Officers, however, were generally not assigned service numbers, which did not entirely prevent confusion. There were exceptions to this rule, such as when an officer attested as an NCO and was later commissioned.

There are 690 individuals named “John Smith” in the Archives Canada Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF) attestation database, and 7,002 instances of the surname “Smith,” with most having their own service numbers. When researching a soldier of the Great War, obtaining a service number can save significant time and reduce confusion, especially if you’re searching for a friend’s great-uncle named Private “Smith.

One might be intrigued to learn that two individuals named “Lt. D. L. Hagarty” served in the CEF at the same time. Both were from Toronto, both stood 5′ 11 ½” (taller than the average height of 5′ 9″ in the CEF), and both served with The Queen’s Own Rifles at one point. One of the Lt. D.G. Hagartys was 36 years old upon attestation in 1914, while the other was only 21 years old when he attested in 1915. It is not difficult to imagine how their service files could have crossed paths, leading to confusion.

Dudley George Hagarty

Lieutenant Dudley George Hagarty

Dudley George Hagarty attested as a lieutenant with the 3rd Battalion CEF at Valcartier on 22 September 1914. A member of The Queen’s Own Rifles, he was 36 years old and had spent nine years with the regiment. He had attended both Toronto’s Upper Canada College and Trinity College School in Port Hope, and may have been a member of their respective cadet corps. In civilian life, he sold real estate and insurance and lived with his mother at 41 Foxbar Road, Toronto. After completing his training in Salisbury, England, with the 3rd Battalion, he joined the 1st Division in France in February 1915, and witnessed the 2nd Battle of Ypres in late April 1915, serving with B Company (Coy) under Captain Muntz, who was killed early on in the battle.

Daniel Galer Hagarty

Lieutenant Daniel Galer Hagarty

Daniel Galer Hagarty, 21 years old, attested with the 2nd University Training Company in Montreal on 26 June 1915, despite being an engineering student at the University of Toronto. He had spent two years with The Queen’s Own Rifles, following in the footsteps of his father, Lieutenant Colonel Edward William Hagarty. Daniel lived with his parents at 662 Euclid Avenue, Toronto, and had attended Harbord Collegiate, where he also competed with cadets from around the world at the Bisley Shooting Competition.

An interesting and somewhat confusing detail in Daniel’s file is a “medical card” listing him as having been in No. 3 General Hospital in Le Treport, France, between 30 May and 7 June 1915. However, Daniel had only attested on 28 June 1915, meaning it was Dudley who was in the hospital at that time, despite the correction on the card. The correction was incorrect.

Both Hagartys were in England between July 1915 and January 1916. Daniel was with the 11th Reserve Battalion, awaiting assignment to a battalion overseas, while Dudley was with the 23rd Reserve Battalion, awaiting his next medical board. This period marked the first and predictable mix-ups involving pay.

Mix-ups and Consequences

Lieutenant Dudley George Hagarty

A notable mix-up in Dudley Hagarty’s file occurs on a “promotion and appointment” form (R150), where he was to be sent to the Princess Patricia’s Canadian Light Infantry (PPCLI) on 29 January 1916. This entry was later crossed out with a note saying, “Refers to D.G. Hagarty PPCLI.” However, at that time, Dudley had already been deemed unfit for general service due to illness. This suggests that pages from the service files of the two Hagartys were actively mixed up, rather than being simple filing errors.

Dudley spent the rest of the war undergoing regular medical evaluations due to his condition (neurasthenia). He was eventually transferred to the Canadian Army Pay Corps in England, where he was promoted to captain in April 1917. Dudley returned to Canada in July 1918, deemed “surplus to requirements,” and was assigned to Militia District No. 2 in Toronto until his release in September 1919.

In Daniel’s file, several pay ledger sheets from Dudley’s file can be found, including one indicating that he was to return to Canada at his own expense aboard the SS Olympic on 5 September 1916 and had been granted leave between 8 November and 8 December 1916. The problem, of course, was that Daniel had been killed in action six months earlier. Furthermore, Daniel’s service card indicated he had been promoted to captain on 9 January 1917, despite having died six months prior.

Daniel’s Last Moments

Lieutenant Daniel Galer Hagarty

On 2 June 1916, two days after returning from leave, Daniel was killed while leading No. 7 Platoon in No. 2 Company of the PPCLI. His platoon was positioned in the front line of the left sector at Sanctuary Wood, which was subjected to an intense bombardment by high-explosive shells and trench mortars, followed by an assault on the shelled position. Despite suffering heavy casualties, No. 2 Coy held their position (PPCLI War Diary, 2 June 1916). Daniel’s remains were recovered, so he was eventually buried at the Hooge Crater Cemetery.

On Dudley’s regimental card, it is noted that he passed through the 3rd, 9th, 17th, and 11th Bns. It was Daniel who was in the 11th while he was training in England, in anticipation of being assigned to the Patricia’s in France and Belgium. Between the two D. G. Hagartys, I am uncertain who passed through the 9th or 17th. Dudley did spend time in the 23rd Reserve Battalion while being shuffled to various commands. Along the way, he may have encountered the 9th and/or the 17th Reserve Bns, both located at Bramshott, en route to his position with the Canadian Army Pay Corps.

There were many more mixed-up pages from Dudley’s file in Daniel’s than vice versa.

The Legacy of Edward William Hagarty and the 201st

To some degree, this is now where the story begins.

The 201st CEF Battalion, otherwise known as the “Toronto Light Infantry Battalion,” was to be raised in Toronto. Lieutenant Colonel Edward William Hagarty was offered the provisional rank of lieutenant colonel to raise and command the battalion.

Competition to fill new battalions being formed for overseas service was intense, as casualties in France and Belgium were significant. Many of the Toronto-area units being raised were closely affiliated with militia units that had recruiters in place since 1914. Battalion commanders worked tirelessly to recruit a full battalion, aiming to send them overseas as a complete unit rather than dismantling them to provide reinforcements to other battalions. Many Canadian commanding officers faced disappointment as their units were often broken up, and they were relegated to staff duties in England, or worse.

LCol Hagarty enlisted in the still-to-be-formed 201st Battalion on 9 February 1916, at the age of 48. He resided at 662 Euclid Avenue with his wife, Charlotte, and son Daniel Galer Hagarty, who had left his studies eight months earlier to join the Princess Patricia’s Canadian Light Infantry (PPCLI) in France. LCol Hagarty was born on 7 September 1862.

Edward Hagarty was the principal of Harbord Collegiate from 1906 to 1928. His previous military experience was limited—he had served four years with The Queen’s Own Rifles (QOR) and one year as a lieutenant with the 25th (Militia) Elgin Regiment. Most of his 25 years of military experience had been spent instructing cadets in communities and high schools, and he was actively involved in various cadet organizations, including Rifle Associations. In early 1913, he was a cadet battalion commander for the Toronto Collegiate Institutes. In January 1914, he was awarded the honorary rank of lieutenant colonel in the Corps of School Cadet Instructors (CSCI). On 19 January 1916, he received a certificate confirming his provisional appointment as an honorary lieutenant colonel for the purpose of commanding a CEF battalion. He was also issued a “Certificate of Military Qualification” dated 3 June 1916 from Ottawa, endorsed by Lieutenant Colonel R. Labatt of Military District 2. This qualification appeared just as General Order 69 of 15 July 1916 was issued, authorizing the raising of several new battalions, including the 170th, 201st, and 204th.

Part of LCol Hagarty’s plan was to have his son, Lt. Daniel Galer Hagarty, brought back from service overseas to become his adjutant. At this time, Daniel was completing training in England as a platoon commander with the PPCLI. Bureaucratic procedures were set in motion, and a tasking message was sent through various layers of command, according to various sources, including a newspaper article.

However, LCol Hagarty was devastated to learn that his son had been killed in action. He believed the military bureaucracy had mistakenly sent the order for his son to return to Canada and serve as his adjutant to the wrong person—Lt. Dudley George Hagarty, his son’s namesake. LCol Hagarty felt that had the message been sent to his son, Daniel, he would have “escaped death.” The loss of his son, combined with the inability to recruit sufficient soldiers from the cadet programs he had nurtured for years, led to the 201st Battalion being broken up while still in Canada. The soldiers were reassigned to the 170th Mississauga Horse (10th Royal Grenadiers) Battalion and the 198th Canadian Buffs (QOR) Battalion. It did not help that LCol Hagarty had declared his battalion the “temperance battalion,” which may have hindered recruiting efforts somewhat.

While I have not yet found a nominal roll for the 201st Battalion, the allocated block of service numbers (228001–231000) presented themselves. Unfortunately, the 201st did not attract enough recruits, especially when compared to other Toronto-area battalions. LCol Hagarty’s resignation was likely the final blow to any future the battalion might have had. It is not hard to imagine the sense of personal disappointment LCol Hagarty must have felt. Resigning under such circumstances would have been a very public statement of his frustration.

LCol Edward William Hagarty resigned from command of the 201st Battalion on 4 September 1916, just three months after the death of his son. Even if he had managed to take the 201st Battalion to England, his military experience at the senior officer level was nonexistent. On LCol Hagarty’s “Last Pay Certificate,” it was clearly noted that his “provisional appointment was cancelled.”

In late July 1919, LCol Hagarty and his wife Charlotte visited the battlefield in Belgium where their son fell. They found his grave at the Hooge Crater Cemetery before returning to Canada aboard the SS Savoie.

Legacy

Edward and Charlotte left a lasting legacy in Toronto with the establishment of the imposing Memorial at Harbord Collegiate Institute, which was dedicated in 1921 to “These former pupils who died for humanity in the Great War of 1914-1919.” Sadly, 20 years later, 52 more names would be added to the memorial.

Another lasting tribute is from the University of Toronto website as “the Reginald & Galer Hagarty Scholarship established by LCol E.W. Hagarty and Charlotte Ellen Hagarty in memory of their sons, Reginald and Galer. The scholarship is awarded to students entering their first year of any undergraduate program at the University of Toronto, based on academic achievement. The recipient must be a graduate of Harbord Collegiate.”

Edward passed away on 2 March 1943 and is buried in the family plot at St. James Cemetery in Toronto, alongside his wife Charlotte, who passed away two months later. Both of their sons are commemorated on the memorial at Harbord Collegiate.

“Hold the Line!”: The 3rd Battalion and the Poison Cloud of Ypres

The wind shifted, carrying with it an insidious yellow-green haze. For the men of the 3rd Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force, dug in near St. Julien on the afternoon of April 22nd, 1915, the idyllic Flemish countryside transformed into a scene of unimaginable horror. The Second Battle of Ypres had begun, and the Canadians were about to face a weapon unlike any they had encountered before: chlorine gas.

Formed in Toronto, the 3rd Battalion, known affectionately as the “Toronto Regiment,” had arrived in the Ypres Salient with the rest of the 1st Canadian Division, eager to prove their mettle. Little did they know that their baptism of fire would be etched into the annals of Canadian military history for its sheer tenacity and sacrifice.

As the French Colonial troops on their left buckled and fled under the suffocating cloud, a gaping hole opened in the Allied line. The situation was critical. The German advance threatened to outflank the British and Canadian forces, potentially leading to a catastrophic breakthrough. It was in this desperate moment that the 3rd Battalion, alongside their comrades in the 1st Canadian Division, demonstrated extraordinary courage and resilience.

Facing the terrifying and disorienting effects of the gas – the burning eyes, the searing throat, the desperate struggle for breath – the Torontonians stood their ground. Armed with little more than their Ross rifles and unwavering determination, they poured a steady fire into the advancing German ranks. Their steadfast defence, though under relentless artillery and machine-gun fire, bought precious time for reinforcements to arrive and for the shattered Allied line to be partially reformed.

The fighting raged for days. The 3rd Battalion endured repeated gas attacks, each one a fresh wave of terror and suffering. They counter-attacked fiercely, often with bayonets fixed, pushing back the enemy inch by agonizing inch. The casualty lists mounted alarmingly, each name a testament to the brutal intensity of the battle.

On the morning of 23 April, “C” and “D” Companies under Major A. J. E. Kirkpatrick, a Queen’s Own officer, filled in the gap existing between Kitchener’s Wood and the village of St. Julien. Throughout the day and night, the flank held. There was no artillery support. By the morning, “C” and “D” Companies had practically ceased to exist. Meanwhile, the British were rushing up support. By 27 April, the line was stabilized, the 3rd Battalion being the last to be withdrawn. St. Julien or the Second Battle of Ypres was the unit’s first battle. The “green Colonial troops” – a description used by one writer- had played a major part in preventing a German breakthrough to the Channel ports. The term was not used again. The casualties were 19 officers and 460 other ranks. These included a large number becoming prisoners of war, including Kirkpatrick, then Major Peter Anderson (who may have been the only Canadian Officer to successfully escape from a German POW camp), then Captain John Streight (D Company), and then Captain Baptist Johnson.

The Second Battle of Ypres was a brutal introduction to modern industrial warfare. The use of poison gas shocked the world and left an indelible scar on the landscape and the minds of those who fought there. While the battle ultimately resulted in a strategic withdrawal for the Allies, the unwavering courage and sacrifice of the 3rd Battalion, and the entire 1st Canadian Division, were crucial in preventing a complete German victory.

Their actions in the face of unimaginable adversity demonstrated the tenacity and fighting spirit that would come to define the Canadian soldier throughout the First World War. The story of the 3rd Battalion at Ypres serves as a powerful reminder of the human cost of conflict and the extraordinary bravery that can emerge in the darkest of times. Their sacrifice on that gas-choked battlefield will forever be remembered as a pivotal moment in Canadian military history.

 

Vimy Ridge – 3rd Battalion War Diaries for April 9/10 1917

During one of the most notable battles fought by Canadians during the First World War, the 3rd Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force’s objective during the Battle for Vimy Ridge was to capture the Farbus Woods.  From the 1960 Regimental History by Lieutenant Colonel W.T. Barnard:

“On 9 April 1917, the famous Vimy Ridge attack took place. This had been planned and practised most carefully. The 3rd Battalion was on the extreme right of the Canadian Corps and so had the longest distance to go. Nevertheless, it took its final objective on time and captured four guns, the first to be taken by Canadians. The casualties were, for World War I, light – 6 officers and 179 men. During the next few days, the gains were extended to the flat country east of the ridge.”

Below are the 3rd Battalion’s war diary entries for April 8, 9, 10 and 11, followed by a list of casualties for all of April 9 and 10, 1917.

April 8th 1917

9.00 pm: The Colonel and Adjutant arrived at Headquarters in Battalion Assembly Area A.15.d.1½.1½.
9.13 pm: Battalion commenced to move from Brigade Assembly Area at 10-minute intervals between Companies. – Units, “A”, “B”, “C”, “D”.
9.50 pm: Lieut. RUSHER, 117th Battery, 25th Brigade, R.F.A., who is our artillery liaison officer, reported at Battalion Headquarters and was instructed to report again at ZERO.
11.15 pm: 10th Canadian Battalion passing up ELBE Trench to take up position in “jumping off trench”.
11.22 pm: 7th Canadian Battalion passing up ELBE Trench past Battalion Headquarters.
11.27 pm: Signallers reported in position at Battalion Assembly Area.
11.27 pm: Brigade put in wire in the morning, but we have been out of touch ever since.
11.34 pm: Lieut. CLIFTON reported at Battalion Headquarters. Enemy shelled his section in vicinity of ARIANE DUMP, he had no casualties.
11.47 pm: Captain A.B. McCORMICK reported at Battalion Headquarters. Scouts in position, no casualties.
11.50 pm: Lieut. W.B. WOODS reported at Battalion Headquarters. Machine Gun Section in position.
11.56 pm: Received message from “D” Company, reporting all correct.

April 9th 1917

12.20 am: Lieut. GLASSFORD’s party of Stretcher Bearers reported all correct.
12.26 am: “B” Company reported all correct at midnight.
1.pm am: “A” and “C” Companies reported all correct, in position. Code word “ROGERS: sent to Brigade, timed 1.05 am. Lieut. R. BAILEY reported at Battalion Headquarters wounded in the leg, does not wish to go out but was ordered to do so.
1.07 am: Referring to entry of 11.27 pm, Brigade wire still out, there is a line, however running to the Companies which is O.K.
1.25 am: Captain R.E. PICARD (O.C. Composite Company) reported at Battalion Headquarters, reports laying of bridges not yet completed.
1.40 am: Lieut. H.K. CLIFTON returned from 2nd Brigade Signal Office, they are agreeable to take any of our messages. Our wire with Brigade still out.
2.05 am: Lieut. K.E. MICKLEBOROUGH reported at Battalion Headquarters, rather badly shaken up and slightly gassed. Returned to his company.
2.20 am: Captain PEARCE reports his two Vickers guns which are attached to us, are behind ELBE, on right of SAPPERS DUGOUTS.
3.40 am: Synchronized time received from Brigade.
3.50 am: Lieut. GARRETT reports bridging complete.
4.10 am: Lieut. NEILLONS and 8 sappers of 1st Field Company, C.E., reported at Battalion Headquarters. Their duty is to construct with “A” and “B” Companies as working parties, the Main Line of Resistance.
5.30 am: Attack commences, the volume of our artillery fire is wonderful.
5.40 am: Word received from Companies, everything O.K.
6.12 am: Attack seems to be progressing favourably, no enemy artillery fire in our area.
6.15 am: Can receive very little information from Captain McCORMICK who has established an O.P. in Fort “A”, with telephone communication with us, as the noise from our artillery is so loud that one cannot hear over the phone, however the attack seems to be going favourably.
6.22 am: 4 prisoners from 1st Bavarian Regiment passed our Headquarters and on being interrogated by Lieut. PATTERSON, state that the SWISCHEN STELLUNG is all broken in by our guns.
6.29 am: Captain A.B. McCORMICK returned from Fort “A” and reports all going well.
6.46 am: About 100 prisoners carrying stretchers are seen passing Headquarters.
6.56 am: Captain A.B. McCORMICK left for the RED Objective with 2 scouts, 5 signallers and 4 runners to establish Headquarters, as I do not think it wise to move until some definite Headquarters is ready for me. The scouts are being sent back as guides.
7.03 am: Major H.S. COOPER sent over to Battalion Assembly Area.
7.04 am: Lieut. RUSHER, R.F.A., reported for duty.
7.05 am: Brigade wire still out.
7.10 am: Word received from 2 Brigade that information received they know they have captured BLACK objective and are advancing on RED.
7.30 am: Battalion commenced to move forward in artillery formation to RED objective. All units were seen to clear the crest (old British Front Line) by 7.56 am. From the time the Battalion left the Brigade Assembly Area until they crossed over all front line, I do not think they had more than 12 casualties.
7.30 am: Captain McCORMICK arrived at Advanced Headquarters A.17.a.9.5.
7.32 am: 4th Canadian Battalion also observed moving forward on our left.
7.57 am: 2nd Canadian Battalion moved across from SUNKEN Road to vicinity of old British front line.
8.25 am: Enemy barrage slacking on old British front line he is evidently shortening his barrage to BLACK objective.
8.45 am: Battalion Headquarters moved from A.15.d.1½ .1½.
8.55 am: Enemy barrage very heavy on our old front line, he using a great many gas shells which are very irritating.
9.33 am: Arrived at Battalion Headquarters A.17.a.9.5., found all Companies O.K. and intact 120 yards in rear of RED Objective. Total casualties to date Major W.E. CURRY O.C. “A” Company, killed and 10 O.R. wounded. We are in touch with both our flanks, 4th Battalion on left and 1st Battalion on right.
10.03 am: Highlanders seen advancing on our right.
10.05 am: Our men commencing to advance on BLUE objective.
10.07 am: Lieut. NELLONS, Engineer officer, reported at Battalion Headquarters.
10.09 am: Captain McCORMICK left Battalion Headquarters with laddered line, to establish O.P. east of RED objective.
10.24 am: Enemy shelling vicinity of Battalion Headquarters and RED Objective very heavily. 2nd Canadian Division reported to be moving through THELUS by Captain McCORMICK.
10.32 am: Message received from Major REID that it is impossible to advance on account of our own barrage. The trouble seems to be that the barrage is left wheeling about A.18.a.1.5. from 166 minutes to 290 minutes (1 barrage line), so I acquainted Major REID with what I thought the trouble was.
10:50 am: Captain McCORMICK reports our troops advancing on BLUE objective. Message sent to Captain PICARD to bring up bombs.
10.54 am: Message received from Capt. McCORMICK timed 10.50 am that 2nd Division have taken THELUS and Hill 135 to East of THELUS.
10.55 am: Message received from Captain McCORMICK that we have taken BLUE objective.
11.03 am: From observations, 4th Battalion appear to have captured BLUE objective.
11.12 am: Major CUNNINGHAM, Brigade Staff, reported to Battalion Headquarters.
11.14 am: Message received from Captain McCORMICK that right flank is joined up with troops on that flank, also that ground flares are being shown at BLUE Objective.
11.17 am: Message received from Captain McCORMICK that 2nd Battalion are moving up SWISCHEN STELLUNG.
11.21 am: Major CUNNINGHAM left Battalion Headquarters.
11.30 am: Message received from O.C. “B” Company that everything is O.K. in BLUE objective, left flank being connected with 4th Battalion on right and “A” Company on left. This Company has only had 2 casualties since the commencement of the operation. Enemy artillery fire on BLUE objective is heavy.
11.47 am: Message received from O.C. “C” Company that everything is O.K. Casualties light and that he is in touch with B Company on the right and 4th Battalion on left.
12.01 pm: Left Headquarters at A.17.a.9.5. Major COOPER remaining behind to guide a carrying party up.
12.10 pm: Met Brigadier-General GRIESBACH whilst we were moving across country.
12.21 pm: Arrived at Headquarters at LEON WEG A.12.c.2.1.
12.26 pm: Our troops commence to advance on BROWN objective.
12.47 pm: TIRED Trench carried by our troops.
1.06 pm: Our artillery fire very heavy and seems to be very effective.
1.14 pm: Phoned by Brigade Major notifying us that 2nd Canadian Division are being counter-attacked in vicinity of HEROES WOOD and GOULET WOOD, also that a squadron of cavalry is being pushed through to WOLLERVAL as soon as the barrage dies down. Also informed that we are the only Battalion in the Brigade who they are in touch with.
2.05 pm: Enemy artillery forming barrage on RED objective.
2.20 pm: Definite news received of the capture of the BROWN objective from “C” Company, who are in touch with 4th Battalion on their left, have dug in and are pushing patrols forward through FARBUS WOOD.
2.27 pm: Major REID, O.C. “D” Company reports that he has pushed patrols into FARBUS WOOD, but that the 4th Gordons have not come up, so he instructed O.C. “B” Company to form a defensive flank along the SUNKEN Road running S.E. from COMMANDANTS HOUSE. I approved of Major Reid’s orders. Major REID also reports work is in progress digging Main Line of Resistance.
2.40 pm: In conversation over the phone, Major Reid informed me he had no definite reports from his platoons in the wood.
3.40 pm: Major FOSS, 1st Division Staff called at Battalion Headquarters. Situation not quite clear.
4.20 pm: Situation now clear, my “C” and “D” Companies have firmly established themselves in the wood, capturing a battery of enemy guns and 35 of the personnel, including 3 officers. “C” and “D” Companies have pushed out patrols to eastern edge of FARBUS WOOD.
5.10 pm: Major COOPER arrived at Battalion Headquarters.
5.45 pm: Battalion Headquarters moved from A.12.d.2.1., to B.7.c.2.1.
6.05 pm: From information received from wounded men it would seem as though it is going to be very difficult to get the guns out of FARBUS WOOD.
6.35 pm: Enemy shelling FARBUS WOOD with great intensity.
6.50 pm: Major REID again reports that Gordons are nowhere to be seen on right flank, the position is quite serious as our flank is left absolutely in the air.
7.10 pm: Major FOSS and Major McLAUGHLIN 2nd Canadian Battalion called, giving us dispositions of 1st Brigade. Major FOSS suggested that we use the company of the 2nd Canadian Battalion, but I do not think it is necessary to call on them, so I did not.
7.43 pm: Another scare of a counter-attack and our barrage opened up.
8.33 pm: Major COOPER reported at Battalion Headquarters with dispositions, they being exactly in accordance with O.O. 65.
12 midnight: Night fairly quiet, estimated casualties 150.

vimymap
Map showing the Canadian Corps positions and lines of attack at the Battle of Vimy Ridge, April 9th and 10th, 1917.

APRIL 10th 1917
5.00 am: The 4th Gordons were to recommence their attack at 5.00 am but it is very quiet and there is no sign of them.
4.45 am: Messages received from Brigade “B.M.33” and “G.554”, timed 4.45 pm April 9th, ordering us to put 2 companies on eastern edge of FARBUS WOOD
5.30 am: “C” and “D” Companies instructed to shove out 6 sentry groups of 5 men each to eastern edge of FARBUS WOOD, the orders referred to in Paragraph timed 4.45 pm being impracticable as the wood can be better held from the trench running through the centre of the wood on the slope of the hill, and also the enemy would have inflicted a great many casualties on 2 companies moving across this ground in broad daylight.
5.45 pm: Spoke to Major REID, no sign of attacking troops on our right, Enemy shelling FARBUS WOOD very heavily.
5.59 am: Received orders to push out patrols to WILLERVAL,organized parties of scouts, but to me it seems very impracticable as I have reason to believe the enemy are in large numbers in the railway cutting about half way between the wood and the cutting.
6.59 am: Major REID phoned and asked that stretcher party be sent to his company as he had a number of his own men and also some R.C.D., who were waiting to be evacuated.
7.16 am: Captain McCORMICK reports his patrols active throughout the night but says that there are still a number of Germans in FARBUS WOOD, hiding in dugouts.
7.33 am: Lieut. PATTERSON reported at Battalion Headquarters he is taking out a patrol and Sergeant GREEN is taking out another to endeavour to gain contact with the enemy.
9.00 am: The Brigade Major called at Battalion Headquarters and says the Brigade’s position is an excellent one but the whole operation is imperiled by the Gordons not coming up on our flank.
10.35 am: Lieut. PATTERSON reported back from the patrol and his information definitely fixes the German line at the Railway.
11.40 am: I called Colonel RAE up and we decided it was not possible to push any further ahead as his patrols had also run into considerable resistance from the railway.
12.30 pm: Lieut. D. COTTON, 1st Canadian Trench Mortar Battery reported.
1.05 pm: Lieut. A. GLASSFORD reported to Battalion Headquarters he has cleared all the wounded out of the Battalion area.
1.40 pm: Word was received in the morning that the 4th Gordons had established a post at B.14.a.9.3., so I sent Lieut. PATTERSON out to investigate, but he reports that the enemy occupy this point.
3.20 pm: Battery Commander, 117th Battery called at Battalion Headquarters and explained barrage.
3.43 pm: Major W.B. CROWTHER reports enemy digging in on his front in vicinity of railway from B.M. 772 south. Heavy barrage put on this line for 10 minutes.
6.07 pm: Brigade Major informed us that we would be relieved tonight by 2nd Canadian Battalion and move back to Main Resistance Line and to the BLUE Objective. All units immediately informed as the men are very much tuckered out.
6.20 pm: Ration party under Lieut. GARRETT arrived.
7.22 pm: Major REID reports that enemy are concentrating in BAILLEUL and moving up trench B.14.d.
7.26 pm: Phoned Brigade Major giving him above information, he informs me that 4th Gordons will recommence their attack very shortly.
9.00 pm: The 4th Gordons and the 7th Black Watch commenced to attack enemys line. Results not clear.
11.00 pm: Enemy shelling vicinity of COMMANDANTS HOUSE very heavily.

APRIL 11th 1917
2.00 am: O.C. 2nd Battalion arrived with his Headquarters.
4.42 am: Relief complete reported.
6.10 am: All units in position in Brigade Support Area. “A” and “B” Companies remained in the Main Resistance Line, the only difference being that “A” Company took over 250 yards more trench on account of Brigade extending its front to HEROES WOOD. “C” and “D” Companies moved back to BLUE Objective with Battalion Headquarters at Junction LOEN WEG at MUNCHEN GRABEN.
9.00 am: Colonel RAE called at our Headquarters and I went up with him to the Main Line of Resistance to absolutely determine the boundary between our two battalions, it was fixed at B.7.d.1½.8.
11.00 am: Captain A.B. McCORMICK reported missing; he was last seen reconnoitering over right flank about 7am, April 10th. He was accompanied by no one, and it is possible he may have lost his direction and walked into enemy trenches; this was very easy on account of our right flank being in the air.
11.07 am: Our own artillery shooting short, shells dropping near “C” and “D” Companies, about 2000 yards from our front line.
2.50 pm: Sergeant GREEN of Scouts reports that the Highlanders are at last advancing on our right and that they expect to be established in the BROWN objective shortly.
4.05 pm: Very heavy artillery fire on our right.
4.20 pm: Officers of 2nd Brigade called at Battalion Headquarters they expect to come in tomorrow night.
9.45 pm: Lieut. BLACKEY is reported wounded still at duty.
12 midnight: Night passed quietly

Casualties for April 9 and 10, 1917

Killed April 9

Major Curry, W. E.
23219 Sgt. Hall, T.C.
139082 B/Cpl. France, L.
766994 Pte. Bullock, A.D.
427656 Pte. Quinn, W.
183261 Pte. Henderson, T.
201648 Pte. Morrison, J.
201182 Pte. Hamilton, W.
201192 Pte. Hollingshead, R.H.
787669 Pte. Horn, H.L.
766862 Pte. Kidd, W.M.
784561 Pte. James, R.A.
201126 L/Cpl. Bullock, W.E.
63268 Pte. Davidson, G.
766406 Pte. Jennings, F.L.
39755 Pte. Macauley, W.H.
201685 Pte. Robertson, E.
405441 Pte. Taylor, M.
210490 Pte. King, E.
201907 Cpl. Smith, N.Mc.
438072 Cpl. Stingle, C.C.

Missing April 9

458050 Pte. Morrison, J. (later confirmed dead).
787613 Pte. Moston, R.
784935 Pte. Petch, L.C.
766463 Pte. O’Brien, F.J.
201148 Pte. Cowie, W.
63596 Pte. Mason, A.
201244 Pte. Patsons,
785017 Pte. Allen, J.A.
788282 Pte. Charbonneau, M.T.G. (later confirmed dead)
201533 Pte. Baker, W.A. (later confirmed dead)
201612 Pte. Hendry, R.
171661 Pte. Ware, W.L.
788511 Pte. Barlow, T.P.

Wounded April 9

785056 Pte. Axford, J.A. (Died of wounds 10 Apr 1917)
Lieut. Bailey, R. (Killed in action 8 Aug 1918)
853052 Cpl. Pretley, A.
A4148 L/Cpl. Mangham, M
138551 Pte. Coburn, W.G.
427293 L/Cpl. Hewer, F.N. (Died of wounds 9 Apr 1917)
404213 Pte. Stickley, F.C.  (Died 10 Aug 1918)
201261 Pte. Ryan, R.
211211 Pte. Garr, H.H.
785313 Pte. French, S.T. (Died of wounds 13 Apr 1917)
138767 Pte. Switzer, P.E.D.
784888 Pte. VanDuzer, H.N.
183913 Pte. McIsaac, A.
210090 Pte. Brown, G.H.
175154 Pte. Flaherty, P.
139150 Pte. Hood, R.E. (Died 9 Aug 1918)
766108 Pte. Maxwell, J.
201201 Pte. Jones, C.F.
784925 Pte. Sheeler, W.W.
785056 Pte. Grime, J.
201662 Pte. Pearce, C.
139522 Pte. Bateman, R.A. (Died 6 Nov 1917)
787928 Pte. Cummings, E.B.
A4172 Pte. O’Neill, G.
785132 Pte. Armstrong, A.H.
125819 L/Sgt Josselin, F.
463280 L/Cpl. George, A.W.
172363 L/Cpl. Strong, A. (Died 22 Apr 1917)
416387 Pte. Leblanc, R.
201754 Pte. Caldwell, W.M.
9787 Cpl. Gamey, O.A.
139569 Pte. Reynolds, T.E.
201323 Pte. Byron, F.G.
460864 Pte. Taylor, F.E.
A4179 Cpl. Purser, D.E.
460864 Cpl. Stevenson, A.
201806 Pte. Grave, A.
172204 Pte. Hamilton, W.C.
210357 Pte. Shoebridge, F.T.
210267 Pte. Dobbie, T.
766836 Pte. Gurney, W. (Died 6 Nov 1917)
457418 Pte. Hughes, T.
210553 Pte. Lucy, G.B.
766519 Pte. Wilde, W.L.
139542 Pte. Murray, T.D.
485556 Pte. Marshall, H.  (Died 11 Apr 1917)
785154 Pte. McConnell, R.
201092 Sgt. Roche, O.C.
172085 Pte. Adams, H.G.
171418 Pte. Tarbot, G.E.
457609 Pte. Livesey, J.
426076 Pte. Aucoin, W.L.
785104 Pte. Cooper, R.E.
201021 Pte. Cecil, C.
427845 Pte. McKay, A.
63627 Pte. McCoy, D. (Died 10 Apr 1917)
201448 Pte. Minty, C.F.
787076 Pte. Horn, A. (Died 24 Apr 1917)
669024 Pte. Begg, J.
201142 Pte. Comins, F.
767202 Pte. Meddings, J.
210932 Pte. Vizor, V.
201107 Pte. Arnold, S.C.
138684 Pte. Ricketts, H.J. (Died 14 Apr 1917)
787020 Pte. Dickson, R.J.  (Died 12 Apr 1917)

Killed April 10

141750 Pte. Perrin, A.J.
138552 Pte. Couperthwaite, G.
788954 Pte. Lavelly, P.
784941 Pte. Swayze, C.W.
784922 Pte. Frost, W.W.
202183 Pte. Stevenson, J.
766525 Pte. Wright, J.E.

Missing April 10

171713 Pte. Wolfe, J.
457411 Pte. Coady, W.
486587 Pte. Stephenson, J.
A/Captain McCormick, A.B. (Confirmed dead 10 Apr 1917)
144154 Pte. Ouelette, O.

Wounded April 10

201270 Pte. Smith, J.P.
769516 Pte. Maxwell, A.C.
201259 Pte. Rose, A.H.
403298 Pte. Williams, H.
201328 Pte. Brown, J.
201304 Pte. Yates, W.
201133 Pte. Calhoun, H.G.
403311 Cpl. Tucker, A.
447895 Pte. Gatich, D. (Died 5 Nov 1917)
766852 Pte. Hutt, F.
Major Crowther, W. B. (Died 3 May 1917)
171796 Pte. Kings, J.G.
416853 Pte. Ladouceur, A.

Varsity’s Soldiers: The University of Toronto Contingent of the Canadian Officers’ Training Corps, 1914−1968

Book Review: Varsity’s Soldiers: The University of Toronto Contingent of the Canadian Officers’ Training Corps, 1914−1968

Eric McGeer holds a PhD from the Université de Montréal and teaches at St. Clement’s School in Toronto. He is the author of Words of Valediction and Remembrance: Canadian Epitaphs of the Second World War and several books on warfare and law in ancient Byzantium.


“Varsity’s Soldiers” by Dr. Eric McGeer offers a comprehensive and detailed account of the University of Toronto Contingent of the Canadian Officers’ Training Corps from 1914 to 1968. This book delves into the rich history of the university’s involvement in training officers for military service during a pivotal period in Canadian history. As background, the story begins with the history of University College’s 19th century “K” Company of The Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada.

The author skillfully weaves together historical narratives, personal accounts, and archival materials to provide a thorough examination of the University of Toronto’s role in preparing young men for leadership roles in the Canadian military. From the outbreak of World War I to the Cold War era, the book explores how the university’s Contingent evolved and adapted to the changing landscape of military training and education in Canada.

One of the strengths of this book is its meticulous research and attention to detail. The author presents a wealth of information about the organization, training methods, and experiences of the members of the University of Toronto Contingent. Readers will gain a deep understanding of the challenges and triumphs faced by these young men as they prepared for the rigours of military service.

Moreover, “Varsity’s Soldiers” sheds light on the broader social and political context in which the University of Toronto Contingent operated. By examining the impact of major events such as both World Wars and the Korean War on the Contingent, the author provides valuable insights into the role of higher education institutions in shaping Canada’s military history.

Overall, “Varsity’s Soldiers” is a compelling and enlightening read for anyone interested in military history, Canadian history, or the history of higher education. The book is well-researched, engagingly written, and offers a fresh perspective on the intersection of academia and military service. I highly recommend this book to readers looking to deepen their understanding of the University of Toronto’s contributions to Canada’s military heritage.

The book is available through the University of Toronto Press or on Amazon.ca.

Circumstances of Death

Note: The contents of this post may be triggering.

Some records provide detailed accounts of how men died.
By Pete Wytka [From “The Maple Leaf” Fall 2003]

When researching one of the 60,000 Canadian soldiers who lost their lives in the First World War, you’d likely come across a description of their fate such as “Killed In Action”, “Missing, Presumed Dead”, “Died of Wounds”, and “Died of Disease.” Such descriptions are a terse and tragic reminder that we know so little about how these men actually died. Even letters to surviving relatives are couched with euphemisms about an instant, painless, and heroic death.

But occasionally we come across stranger stories – accidents, friendly fire, even murder. This article explores the more interesting cases of the Third Battalion (Toronto Regiment) of the CEF as taken from the form M.F.W. 2643 – “Circumstances of Death.”

(Entries beyond the surname starting with the letter “S” are not available.)

Private George Abbey

9879 Pte. George Abbey – 14 June 1916
He was accidentally shot by No. 9901 Pte J. Denoon. He and Pte. Abbey were cooks in “D” Coy. Wagon. Denoon was handling a rifle which had come down from the trenches when it went off, the bullet going through Abbey’s neck. He died almost instantly. It appears that there was a cartridge in the barrel of the rifle and that the lock of the rifle was so caked with mud that it would not open, which was the reason the owner had not unloaded it.

138535 L/Cpl. Ernest George Betts – 15 November 1917
“Accidently Killed “Court of Enquiry convened in the field on 18- 11-17 to enquire into the circumstances surrounding this casualty found that this non-commissioned officer came to his death about 4 a.m. by accidentally falling into a well near a Power House in the vicinity of LENS; and that no blame could be attached therefor. His body when dragged from the water, bore a deep gash on left temple and the back of head.

Private Ernest William Clark’s name on Menin Gate

784899 Pte. Ernest William Clark -6 November 1917
“Killed in Action” Was removing the dead body of a soldier from the top of a pill box, at Bellevue, on the right of Passchendaele, when he was instantly killed by a shell.

10189 Pte. Percy Alfred Forrest – 19 May 1918
“Killed in Action” He was instantly killed by the explosion of a bomb dropped from an enemy aeroplane on No. 1 Canadian General Hospital, Etaples.

9642 Pte. Percy Mannering Geddes – 17 November 1915
“Previously reported Missing, believed drowned (ex-Hospital Ship Anglia) Death now accepted for official purposes as having occurred.”

2393479 Pte. Herbert Charles Hemmings -30 August 1918
“Killed in action” The platoon to which he belonged was advancing to the left of Upton Wood, when three of the enemy, after pretending to be taken prisoners, suddenly dropped and opened fire with a machine gun. He, and two comrades, took shelter in a nearby shell hole, but the enemy moved round to a flank and they were all “sniped,” and killed, within a few minutes of each other.
*There is a similar entry for 1027283 Pte. Reginald Sydney Plant claiming all three men were instantly killed.
*There is a similar entry for 171576 Pte. Norman Robertson.

757789 Pte. George William Jones – 23 June 1917
“Previously reported Wounded and Missing, now Killed in Action.” While on a working party digging in an old trench near Vimy Ridge, he was instantly killed when his shovel struck and exploded a grenade.

3033103 Pte. Michael James Kenney – 12 October 1918
“Died of wounds.” During an advance from the Canal du Nord, and before the railroad was reached, he was wounded by machine gun bullets fired from an enemy aeroplane on September 27th, 1918. He was evacuated to No. 7 Canadian General Hospital, Etaples, where he died fifteen days later.

Private Cecil Barry Lloyds name on the Vimy Memorial.

3033098 Pte. Cecil Barry Lloyd – 1 October 1918
“Killed in Action.” The platoon to which he belonged had taken shelter in a shallow trench at about 10 A.M. on 1 October 1918, when an enemy high explosive shell burst on the parapet, directly in front of him, and decapitated him.

416874 Pte Come Laliberte -4 August 1916
“Shot by Order Field General Court Martial.” [See also 3rd Battalion Executions.] 

669619 Pte. Charles Aubrey Marks -30 August 1918
“Previously reported Missing, now Killed in Action” Was proceeding against the enemy trenches,  southwest of Vis-en-Artois, firing a Lewis gun, when both his legs were blown off, by a shell and he died shortly afterwards.

669305 Pte. William Charles Norman – 6 January 1017
“Killed” (Accidently) He was one of a party from his Platoon, who were being instructed in throwing hand grenades at about noon on 6 January 1917. A Mills No. 5 grenade thrown by one of the party exploded prematurely, killing Private Norman and wounding several others.

Company Sergeant Major William Pratt

9153 CSM William Pratt – 5 June 1915
“Drowned.” (Accidentally.) A court of Inquiry convened to investigate the circumstances of his death decided that he was accidentally drowned while bathing in the canal near Bethune on the afternoon of 5 June 1915.

A4174 Sgt. Charles Reginald Pakenham – 15 September 1918
“Killed in Action” While resting with the Battalion West of Cagnicourt, on the night of 15 September 1918, he was hit in the head and instantly killed by shrapnel from a bomb dropped by an enemy aeroplane.

63758 Pte. Oliver Mills Robertson – 18 November 1915
“Killed” Killed by a bomb while demonstrating its use in the trenches near WULVERGHEM.

404436 Pte. Edward James Reynolds -23 August 1916
Shot by order of Field General Court Martial. [See also 3rd Battalion Executions.] 

237520 Pte. Roy Rainey – 11 August 1918
“Died of wounds”. While acting as Signaller and advancing with the Battalion during the attack on enemy positions near Amiens on the morning of 8 August 1918, he was hit in the abdomen by shrapnel from an enemy anti-tank shell. Stretcher-bearers rendered first aid and he was carried to a dressing station and later evacuated to No.48 Casualty Clearing Station where he died three days later.

769079 Pte. Henry Edward Raines – 3 1 August 1918
“Killed in Action”. While sniping at an enemy, during the attack South of VIS-EN-ARTOIS, he was shot through the head and instantly killed by an enemy sniper’s bullet.

757842 Pte. Joseph Wilfred Seeley – 7 November 1917
“Killed in Action” – Killed instantly when a “pillbox” in which he was in, was demolished by a shell.

Pete Wytka is a researcher and collector Of all things Third Battalion, Toronto Regiment. He can be reached at Peterwytka@hotmail.com 

National Indigenous History Month 2024

June is National Indigenous History Month in Canada, an opportunity to learn about the unique cultures, traditions and experiences of First Nations, Inuit and Métis. It’s a time to honour the stories, achievements and resilience of Indigenous Peoples, who have lived on this land since time immemorial and whose presence continues to impact the evolving Canada.

The House of Commons designated June as National Aboriginal History Month in 2009. The name was changed to National Indigenous History Month in 2017.

Many Indigenous and Métis people have served in the Canadian Military, including The Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada.

These are developing lists of Indigenous and Métis soldiers who have served with The Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada or the perpetuated battalions for the First World War Canadian Expeditionary Force († indicates killed in action or died of wounds or battle injuries. )

Two soldiers of particular note are B64652 Rifleman Herman Stock who was killed in action on D-Day and   B52575 Rifleman Charles Nahwegezhik, MM  who was posthumously awarded the Military Medal.

If you know of Indigenous or Métis veterans of The Queen's Own Rifles who are not listed below, please send your information to museum@qorumuseum.org 

Indigenous Veterans

  1. Amiskuses, Vincent – Kawacatoose First Nation – Saskatchewan (WWII/Peacekeeper)
  2. Bain, 868003 Acting Lieutenant John Faquhar – Prince Albert, Saskatchewan (182 Bn WWI with 2 1/2 yrs previous service with QOR)
  3. Rifleman Arthur William Beaver

    Beaver, Rifleman Arthur William – Alderville First Nation, Ontario (WWII)

  4. Bressette, Lloyd Henry – Kettle and Stony Point First Nation, Ontario (WWII)
  5. Cada, Paul Senior – Sheshegwaning First Nation (WWI)
  6. Carlson, Frederick – Ojibway (Korea)
  7. Chappise (Wemaystikosh) , 486620 Private Peter Rupert – Cree from Chapleau and Moose Factory, Ontario (3rd Bn WWI)
  8. Dreaver, 886518 Corporal Joseph Sr. MM – Cree from Mistawasis First Nation – Saskatchewan. –  Band Chief post-war (107th -> 3rd Bn WWI, WWII)
  9. Eagle, Sergeant James Wilfred – Saulteaux Ojibway Valley River Reserve – Manitoba (The Memory Project interview) (Korea)
  10. Eagle, Norbert James – Ojibway from Ohskaning Reserve – Manitoba (Reg Force)
  11. Ewenin, Rony – Kawacatoose First Nation, Saskatchewan (Korea)
  12. Franklin,  201795 Private William Henry – Mississauga from the Alderville Band – Roseneath, Ontario (95th –> 4th Bn WWI)
  13. George,  Rifleman Harold Wayne (Reg Force)
  14. Harper, Louis – Wasagamack – Manitoba (Reg Force)
  15. Jamieson, Corporal Harold – Oshweken, Ontario – Six Nations of the Grand River First Nation (WWII)
  16. Joe, Percy – Shackan First Nation, British Columbia (Reg Force)
  17. King, SL163037 Rod – Lucky Man Cree Nation, Saskatchewan (Reg Force)
  18. Lavelley, 788954 Private Peter – Golden Lake Band, Ontario (3rd Bn WWI)
  19. Ledoux, SL163853 Corporal Phillip Narcisse – Mistawasis Nêhiyawak, formerly known as Mistawasis First Nation (Reg Force)
  20. Rifleman Charles Nahwegezhik, MM

    McLaren, Peter Bertram Dalton – Timiskaming First Nation, Ontario (WWII)

  21. Morrison, Joseph – Anishinaabeg of Naongashiing (Big Island) First Nation
  22. Nahwegezhic, Rifleman Charles MM – Anishinaabe from Sheguindah First Nation (WWII)
  23. Okemaysim, Napoleon – Cree-Assiniboine, Beardy’s and Okemasis First Nation – Sask. (Reg Force?)
  24. Oronhyatekha (also known as Peter Martin) – Mohawk
  25. Ross, Steven M. – Cree from Montreal Lake, Saskatchewan (Reg Force)
  26. Runns, Fredrick Sr. – Nakota from Carry the Kettle First Nation – Sintaluta, Saskatchewan (WWII & Post-war??)
  27. Ryder, Andrew – Nakota from Carry the Kettle First Nation – Sintaluta, Saskatchewan (WWII plus Germany 1949-1952)
  28. Smith, Frederick William – Chippewas of Rama First Nation, Ontario (WWII)
  29. Stock, Rifleman Herman  – Haudenosaunee from Gibson Band [Wahta Mohawk] Sahanatien, Ontario (WWII – KIA D-Day)
  30. Thomas, 9254 Private Charles Alfred – Haudenosaunee from Six Nations First Nation, Oshweken, Ontario (QOR & 3rd Bn WWI)
  31. Thomas, 9255 William Sherman – Mohawk from Brantford, Ontario (QOR & 3rd Bn)
  32. Wemigwans, B139461 Private Isadore – 3 Fires Confederacy from Wikwemikong – Manitoulin Island, Ontario (WWII)

Some information is sourced from the Aboriginal Veterans Tribute List.

Métis

  1. Duva, Alcide Joseph Alzear (Post war Germany)
  2. Ferland, Rifleman Norman Philip (Korea)
  3. Paquette, Joseph R. (1st Bn Reg Force)
  4. Riel, Sergeant I.J. (Reg Force) Great-nephew of Louis Riel

A Wooden Mallett and Six Sergeants

We recently catalogued a wooden tent peg mallet we’d received from the estate of the late Captain Scott “Paddy” Patterson, CD. This was however no ordinary mallet. There were some simple designs scratched into both the handle and the head. But that alone was not the most interesting find. Etched into the round wooden handle was the following:

“A” Coy 3rd Batt
1st Canadian Overseas Force
1914
Compliments of
Sergeants

Further, etched into the head of the mallet were the following names and information:

1914    1914
Sergt A.G. Eddis
Sergt R.L. Seeley
Col Sergt A.E. Thompson [sic Thomson]
Sergt H.G. Kerr
Sergt W. Pratt
Lce Sergt G.B. Roberts
Salisbury Plain, England

Salisbury Plain (near Stonehenge in South West England) was where the Canadian Expeditionary Force trained in England before heading to France. Known for its heavy rains, the Canadians were housed in tents and not in the few barracks available, hence a tent peg mallet would have been an essential piece of kit, not just to erect the tents on arrival, but to re-erect them after various severe storms blew them down.

We catalogued and photographed the mallet, added it to our collections database, and then added it to one of our WWI exhibit cases – something we can’t always do because of limited space.

All the Sergeants named on the mallet formally enlisted with the 3rd Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force on 22nd September in Valcartier, Quebec where they were sent for equipping and preliminary training. They all had previous service in The Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada militia. As you can see below, they have consecutive service numbers.

  • 9151 Colour Sergeant Alfred Edward Thomson
  • 9152 Sergeant Herbert Gladstone Kerr
  • 9153 Sergeant William Pratt
  • 9154 Sergeant Arthur George Eddis
  • 9155 Sergeant Le Roy Launcelot Seeley
  • 9156 Lance Sergeant Guy Burland Roberts

After further training in England, the 3rd Battalion arrived in France on 14 February 1915. On 5 March they had their first experience in the trenches. Starting on the evening of 23 April, the battalion faced their first combat in the 2nd Battle of Ypres where hundreds were killed or taken prisoner of war.  After the Battle of Festubert, they were once again in the trenches from May 25-28 and subjected to a severe high-explosive bombardment which caused many casualties.

We couldn’t help but wonder how many of these “Originals” survived the war. (Click on the name links for more detailed profiles.)

9155 Sergeant L.R.L. Seeley

Roy Seeley was born in Toronto in 1889, served for five years with The Queen’s Own Rifles militia battalion, and rose to the rank of Sergeant when, on 22 September 1914, he enlisted with several of his fellow sergeants in the 3rd Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF). At the time he was married with two young children. A brother would later be posted to the 3rd Bn as a reinforcement.

He served through some tough battles including St Julien, the 2nd Battle of Ypres, and Festubert. After the latter, he was in a trench and knocked out by a shell but refused to go to the rear. Later that night he was shot in the lung by a sniper and died in hospital on 25 May 1915. He was the first of the six sergeants to succumb.

9152 Lieutenant H.G. Kerr

Herbert Kerr was born in Pickering on 16 October 1887.

He joined The Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada militia battalion around 1909 and in 1910 he participated with H Company on the trip to England.

With his fellow QOR sergeants, he enlisted with the 3rd Battalion CEF on 22 September 1914. Kerr travelled to England and France with the 3rd Bn and on 9 May 1915 he was promoted to Lieutenant.

Only a few weeks later he was killed in action at Festubert, on 25 May 1915. He has no known grave so he is memorialized on the Canadian Vimy Memorial in France.

9154 Lieutenant A.G. Eddis

Arthur Eddis was born in Toronto, Ontario on 28 January 1891. His father Francis had served with the QOR in the 1880s and participated in the North West Field Force in 1885.

An accountant, Arthur joined the QOR in 1908, was a competitive marksman and participated in the 1910 trip to England.

With his fellow sergeants, he enlisted with the 3rd Battalion, CEF on 22 September 1914. While in the field he was promoted to Lieutenant in early May 1915 and three weeks later was killed in action on 27 May 1915, the third of the sergeants to die.

His original grave was lost so he is remembered on the Canadian Vimy Memorial in France.

9153 Company Sergeant W. Pratt

William Pratt was born in England on 21 July 1891 and came to Canada around 1907.  He joined the Queen’s Own Rifles militia battalion around 1910 (and older brother Henry may already have been in the QOR that year.)

An accountant who then worked with his fellow sergeant Arthur Eddis at Wilton C. Eddie and Sons chartered accountants, Pratt enlisted on 22 September 1914 with the 3rd Battalion, CEF as a Sergeant.

He trained with the battalion in Quebec and England before heading to France and Belgium where he survived the 2nd Battle of Ypres which decimated the 3rd Bn. He was promoted to Company Sergeant Major on 4 May 1915.

Sadly, on 5 June 1915, he drowned while swimming in a canal near Bethune, France and is buried in the Bethune Town Cemetery.

The Survivors

Within just 10 days in 1915, four of the six sergeants named on the mallet had died. Two however were to survive the war.

Warrant Officer Class II (CSM) A.E. Thomson
Giessen Camp from the hospital (Imperial War Museum Q 55591)

Arthur Thomson was born in Nova Scotia on 10 December 1886 and enlisted with The Queen’s Own Rifles militia circa 1903.

In Belgium having survived the 2nd Battle of Ypres, he was reported missing on 11 May 1915 and two months later confirmed as a prisoner of war, originally in Giessen POW camp and later in Holland. Thompson was repatriated to England on 8 February 1919.

After returning to Canada, Roberts was discharged in Toronto on 23 May 1919 and in September 1919 married Florence Haskell.

It’s not clear how he was employed immediately after the war but in 1938 he moved to England and worked for the UK Ministry of Transportation. He died in Bedford, England on 9 November 1966 and is buried there.

Captain R.B. Roberts, MC

Guy Roberts was born in Toronto, Ontario on 21 March 1885. He served three years with The Queen’s Own Rifles militia battalion before enlisting in the 3rd Battalion, CEF, on 22 September 1914.

After training in England and service with the 3rd Battalion in France and Belgium, he was commissioned as a Lieutenant in November 1916, and awarded the Military Cross for actions that same month:

“For conspicuous gallantry in action. He established posts, making his reconnaissance and posting the men himself, and crossing 250 yards of fire-swept ground three times. He displayed great courage and initiative throughout.”

He was then posted to the 12th Brigade Headquarters until January 1918 when he was seconded to the War Office on a “secret mission” known as the Dunsterforce. He returned to England in 1919 and was discharged on mobilization on 26 November 1919.

He married in 1927 and had one son born in 1932. After the war, he took over the Roberts Art Gallery in Toronto from his father, and after retirement, seems to have had some success as an artist in his own right.  After moving to the west coast, Roberts died in hospital on 5 January 1969, in Port Alberni, British Columbia.

Telling Our Stories

He Suffered for Nothing in The Great War: The Aftermath of the Shell-Shocked Soldier in the Post-War Western World

By Cameron Telch

Cam Telch holds a Master Of Arts and a Master of Education and is a doctoral student in the Faculty of Education at Mount Saint Vincent University. Cam has also volunteered at The Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada Regimental Museum and Archive.

Originally published in the Royal Canadian Military Institute’s Sitrep January-February 2024 Volume 84, Number 1. Reprinted with the author’s permission.

Introduction

The Canadian Centre for the Great War (CCGW) in Montreal is dedicated to preserving Canada’s memory of the Great War. Creating numerous virtual and in-person exhibitions, the CCGW has covered all aspects of the war, including the confinement of enemy populations in Canada, the demobilization of the Canadian Expeditionary Force, and female nurses and medicine. At the beginning of 2023, the CCGW developed its latest online and travelling exhibition, Shell Shocked: The Long Road to Recovery.

Shell Shocked analyses the Canadian and some British narratives of shell shock. Covering the history of shell shock into five categories, they include “In the Trenches,” “Treatment,” “Malingerers,” “Armistice,” and “PTSD.” “In the Trenches” covers the connection between conflict and nervous breakdown; “Treatment” examines traditional and modern methods of psychiatry; “Malingerers” is the marginalization of shell-shocked soldiers; “Armistice,” is the aftermath of shell shock in post-war Canada; lastly, “PTSD” is the historical relationship between shell shock and PTSD. The CCGW’s exhibit argues that all soldiers and officers, regardless of social standing, were susceptible to a nervous breakdown during the war.

During the fall of 2023, the RCMI acquired Shell Shocked from the Lethbridge Military Museum in Alberta. While the exhibition covers a broad range of topics, this article will focus on the aftermath of shell shock in the post-war Western world. Shell Shocked reveals that two new schools of thought emerged during the war. The former was led by Dr. W.H.R. Rivers who argued that shell shock was a product of the war and developed treatments where shell-shocked victims were encouraged to discuss their trauma. Clarence B. Farrar, Chief Psychiatrist, the leading authority of the latter for the Department of Soldiers’ Civil Re-establishment of Canada, asserted that shell shock was a condition of a weakened character deficiency or poor genetics. While the war did lead to the great shell shock debate, and often produced revolutionary new ideas toward the foundation of psychology, the latter school of thought about shell shock emerged, unfortunately, as the dominant position in Canada and Britain and, to some extent, in the United States after the war. As a result, shell-shocked veterans became victims of prejudice. This article will argue from a larger perspective in order to demonstrate that marginalization of shell-shocked veterans was not solely a Canadian phenomenon.

 The Official View of Shell Shock After the Great War

After the war, the question of shell shock lingered in the post-war Western world. Debates continued regarding the origin, diagnosis, and treatment of shell shock. The British government investigated the nature of shell shock with the 1922 Report of the War Office Committee Enquiry into Shell-Shock to try and settle the debate. Investigated and led by Lord Southborough in April 1920, the committee, including men who maintained traditional beliefs about mental illness, called forth fifty-nine witnesses to give evidence on shell shock, including army officers, psychologists, neurologists, and army doctors who treated shell-shocked soldiers, both on the Western Front and in Britain. After two years of testimony, and with the release of the final report in 1922, the committee recognized, to an extent, the need for psychological therapies to treat nervous soldiers; that doctors must acquire some understanding of psychology, and soldiers must be granted shorter periods of frontline service including constant rotation, and be sent home frequently to prevent nervous breakdowns.

While the 1922 document certainly contained some groundbreaking conclusions, they were overshadowed by the committee’s conservative beliefs about mental illness. The British War Office recommended that the term shell shock be abolished from the official military language, that nervous casualties not be listed as combat wounds, and that soldiers should receive better training to create a high spirit of morale to combat nervousness. As Lord Southborough’s committee concluded: “The most likely type of man for ‘shellshock’ is the brooding, introspective, self-analyzing man, the type who in the last war was constantly estimating his chance of survival, and whose imagination added the terrors of the future to those of the present.” Southborough’s committee disregarded the lived combat experiences of shell-shocked soldiers and officers. It unanimously decided that shell shock was a pre-existing condition that affected men with lesser masculine qualities, including those who easily succumbed to fear. It appeared that the lessons acquired from the war, including that every soldier and officer can have a breakdown in combat, were dismissed in favour of this new interpretation of shell shock.

The results from Southborough’s committee had far-reaching implications throughout the British Empire. In Canada, some doctors echoed a similar stance to that of their British counterparts. Sir Andrew (Dr.) Macphail, Canada’s official Great War historian, said: “that shell-shock is a manifestation of childishness and femininity and that against such there is no remedy; that hysteria is the most epidemical of all diseases.” Dr. Macphail, along with other Canadian medical authorities, contended that masculinity meant the suppression of emotions, and it was born on the battlefield. As Macphail thought, shell shock reverted its victims to a child-like mentality as they broke down crying, wet the bed, screamed when left alone at night, and panicked easily. He believed that shell-shocked men became overly hysterical as they “were not fit for the hard business of war.” In reality, the average shell-shocked Canadian soldier was 27 years old. In some ways, Macphail was correct to portray grown men as children as the image of “the early twentieth-century madman was widely held to be either dangerous or ridiculous.” While it was easier to depict shell-shocked veterans as boys to generate greater public compassion, the problem that Macphail implied was that they were grown men who required motherly affection, as he believed that shell shock deprived its victims of their manhood.

Throughout the mid-1920s, other experts in the United States interpreted shell shock differently. One expert, Dr. Frederick W. Parsons, of the New York State Hospital Commission, offered a radical view on it. Parsons denied the existence of shell shock, arguing “that there is no such thing as shell shock” from a psychological perspective. Parson still interpreted shell shock as a bodily injury from the result of an artillery explosion. Fear was the underlying reason why some soldiers broke down, despite the stoic state of the “soldier veteran who never complained of shell shock [as] real soldiers, the men who went through the crucible, never made a joke of a comrade laid up with shell shock.” For the shell-shocked veteran of the 1920s, their combat experiences were again undermined by this view. Shell shock was believed to be an example of mass hysteria where some soldiers panicked easily and could undoubtedly influence the behaviour of their comrades. Explaining shell shock from a physical point of view meant that wounds were attributed to their condition; Parson’s denial of shell shock from a mental health perspective indicated that there were no visible injuries to suggest otherwise.

The Shell-Shocked Veterans’ Experience

During the early 1920s, there was heightened anxiety in Britain that shell shock led to a surge in crimes among veterans. In February 1920, The Vancouver Sun reported that a former British officer shot and killed a bank manager during a robbery in Leeds. The same paper also relayed that, in a similar case, another robbery was committed by a veteran in Newcastle. The Vancouver Sun made it apparent that shell shock might make “[a] man (…) not know what he is doing and has left men weak-willed.” The debate that emerged during this period was that shell-shocked veterans were not in control of their actions when a crime was committed. Rather, they were the unfortunate victims of their mental tendencies. This image of the shell-shocked veteran probably created uneasiness among some Britons, who feared that they might not be held accountable for their crimes and used mental illness as their justification. However, not all people believed that the shell-shocked veteran would not be held accountable in the legal system. The Gazette conveyed that a report from the commissioners of prisons and the directors of convict prisons in Britain said, “shell shock [is] an excuse for criminal acts.” As this report argued, prosecuting and convicting shell-shocked veterans would send a clear message that they were not victims of their mental symptoms but had every intention to commit the crime for their own gain, whether it was robbery or fraud. The report communicated one message to the public: the shell-shocked ex-serviceman is highly unpredictable and menacing.

With the end of hostilities, Canadian veterans expected to receive their fair share from the state in the form of a pension. But those veterans with invisible wounds were at a massive disadvantage compared to ex-servicemen with physical injuries. Several government organizations were established between 1916 and 1918 to assist returning soldiers. The first of these was the Board of Pension Commissioners (BPC), created in 1916, to assist wounded soldiers who were ineligible to return to the workforce, and which eventually administered a pension system by 1918. The Department of Soldiers’ Civil Re-establishment (DSCR) was created in 1918 to evaluate the injuries of returning servicemen and determine the kind of medical treatment and job training they required. The DSCR submitted the medical forms of returned soldiers to the BPC, which determined their pension eligibility. Canadian veterans with a missing limb or in a sling or cast were granted a pension as their injuries proved beyond doubt that their injuries were war-related. Those veterans with shell shock and other mental health disorders experienced greater struggles as there was no evidence to suggest that their mental wounds were attributable to their service. One medical officer at the Ontario Military Hospital in Cobourg, Ontario dismissed shell shock as “simply exaggerated” as a special “kind of medical evidence” was required to qualify for a pension. The challenges of shell-shocked veterans were unparalleled since it was difficult to acquire a source of income, whether pension or job, to support themselves and their families. As The Calgary Daily Herald exemplifies, “a returned man, made a physical wreck through shell shock watches the mail hopefully twice a day for the pension which never comes. Until it does come, he and his two halfstarved little boys must have enough food and warmth to sustain them.”

During the Great War, there was a stigma in the Allied medical community that shell shock caused its sufferers to go insane. That same stigma was still associated with shell shock after 1918. In Canada, there is some evidence to suggest that some shell-shocked soldiers were admitted to lunatic asylums during the war. After the war, there are scant statistics in the archives about how many Canadian veterans with shell shock were declared insane and confined to mental institutions. While the reality is not as clear in Canada, the situation of shell-shocked veterans in Britain created a fulsome image. In Britain, as many as 5,000 or 6,000 British veterans with shell shock and other mental health disorders were sent to lunatic asylums. The situation for British veterans was gloomy, it was almost as if the British government absolved itself of caring for its citizen-veterans. The circumstances concerning the families of shell-shocked veterans were more demoralizing as some families could not handle the challenges, including screaming and violent outbursts, brought upon by their shell-shocked loved ones; to preserve their sanity, some families abandoned their loved ones and admitted them to lunatic asylums, where some veterans spent the remainder of their life.

Conclusion

Historian Martin Stone argued that the Great War was a watershed moment for the development and advancement of mental health. While it is certainly true that the war led to some groundbreaking psychiatric treatment methods, including talking therapies, the need for a quiet environment, diet, and rest, it appeared that the lessons of the war were forgotten during the post-war years. With the Second World War, the mental health lessons and treatments of the First World War had to be rediscovered and relearned. Even with the Vietnam War and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the cycle of rediscovery and relearning occurred yet again. With the endless pattern of violence and conflict throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, soldiers and officers of Western armies must suffer psychologically for the lessons of the past to be realized.

The CCGW’s Shell Shocked showcases the Canadian experience of shell shock but also touches upon the British experience. While highlighting the many commonalities between the Canadian and British experiences of shell shock, including combat and breakdown, the stigma of mental health, and the aftermath of shell-shocked veterans at the end of the Great War, Shell Shocked also demonstrates traditional and modern attitudes about mental health. The war was a clash of thinking between old and new ideas. This article argued that mental health attitudes did not change after the war, as the old way of thinking lingered. Shell-shocked soldiers were the victims of prejudice by the medical community during the war as they were mostly perceived as cowards, malingerers, or insane. While their service might have held personal significance in 1914, the war eventually changed by December 1914 as it became one of survival and attrition. From 1915 onwards, the service of shell-shocked soldiers to the Canadian Expeditionary Force and British Expeditionary Force meant almost nothing if they were to be treated quickly by doctors, only to return to the same inhumane conditions, including mud, rain, sleet, rats, lack of sleep, and constant artillery bombardments in their trenches, all of which was responsible for their breakdown, but rejected by many medical personnel. Even in the years after the war, many shell-shocked veterans were cast aside by the Canadian and British governments, receiving the same kind of treatment they underwent during the war. Deprived of the promise that the Canadian and British governments would care for their citizen-veterans, many shell-shocked veterans were left to their own devices to cope with their broken minds. They resorted to heavy drinking, or were confined, in some cases, for decades in mental asylums. Some also committed suicide, or existed on the fringes of their respective societies. Shell-shocked veterans truly suffered for nothing during and after the war, only to become marginalized and outcast in the official historiography of the Great War.

First World War 3rd Battalion Executions

Twenty-five Canadian soldiers were executed during the First World War: twenty-two for desertion, one for cowardice, and two for murder.

In 2001, the Canadian government added the names of those executed for desertion and cowardice during the war to the Book of Remembrance at Parliament Hill. (See full speech by the Minister of Veteran Affairs below.)

In 2006, the British parliament granted an official pardon to all soldiers of the British and Dominion forces.

Two executed soldiers served with the 3rd Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force which The Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada perpetuates.

Pte. Côme Laliberté

Private Come Laliberté

Côme Laliberté was born on 24 March 1893 in Lotbinière Quebec, the son of Ludger Laliberté (deceased in 1907) and Eugénie Hamel, of Montréal, Québec.

He served with the 22e Battalion (service number 61703) from October 24, 1914, to March 3, 1915, and was released due to his conduct.

Three days later in March, he re-enlisted in the 41st Battalion (stating being born in Lotbinière in 1893), travelling with them to England in June 1915.

Before the end of 1915, Laliberté already had several entries on his conduct sheet.

Date Offence Punishment
29 June 1915 Drunkenness Fined 2 days’ pay
5 August 1915 Absent Without Leave (AWOL) Fined 2 days’ pay
10 September 1915 Out of barracks with a pass and improperly dressed 7 days Field Punishment No. 1

On moving up to the trenches during the Summer of 1916, as part of the 3rd Battalion’s contribution to the battles around Mount Sorrel, Laliberté left the ranks and refused to go forward. He was tried for desertion, found guilty and sentenced to death by shooting.

On 4 August 1916, Laliberté (aged 23) was executed by firing squad. His remains are now located in Poperinghe New Military Cemetery, Plot II, Row H, Grave 3.

Pte. Edward James Reynolds

Private Edward James Reynolds

Edward James Reynolds was born on 2 January 1896 in Toronto. In April 1915, Reynolds enlisted in the 35th Battalion. By November 1915, Reynolds was a member of the 3rd Battalion in the line near Ploegsteert.

On 25 July 1916, the Germans exploded a mine under a portion of the front line called “The Bluff”. The 3rd Battalion was ordered forward to plug the resulting gap in the front line. However, Reynolds fell out from his platoon only to be found 2 days later at his battalion’s transport lines. Reynolds claimed that he had been ordered back and got lost. This excuse was accepted.

During the following night (26 July 1916), Reynolds was ordered to accompany a ration party up to the front line. Again Reynolds fell out and went back to his battalion’s transport lines. This time Reynolds was arrested and charged with desertion. He was found guilty by a court-martial and sentenced to death.

At 05:27 on 23 August 1916, Reynolds (aged 20) was executed by firing squad. His remains are now located in Longuenesse Souvenir Cemetery, Plot IV, Row A, Grave 39.

It is of interest that both the Toronto Star and the Toronto Telegram reported at the time that Reynolds had been killed in action.


Speech by the Hon. Ronal Duhamel, December 11th, 2001:

Mr. Speaker, hon. colleagues, I rise in the Chamber to speak about the First World War and the fate of some Canadian soldiers, a fate that has been essentially forgotten in the pages of history.

For the young nation of Canada, the promise and optimism that infused the dawning 20th century was abruptly cut short by the First World War. No one anticipated such carnage, or that we would soon be sending young citizens into a war that would see 65 million people from 30 nations take up arms, where 10 million people would lose their lives and 29 million more would be wounded, captured or missing.

Never before had there been such a war, neither in the number of lives taken, nor in the manner of their taking. New weapons would turn fields of battle into slaughter grounds, while the rigours of life in the trenches would kill many of those who escaped bullet or bayonet.

This “war to end all wars” challenged our small country of 8 million to its limits. Almost 650,000 served in the Canadian Forces in the Great War. Over 68,000—more than one in ten who fought—did not return. Total casualties amounted to more than one third of those who were in uniform. Thousands came home broken in body, mind, and spirit.

The service of Canadians in uniform was as remarkable as it was distinguished. History records their sacrifice in places whose names resonate even to the present day. Battle names such as Ypres, The Somme, Vimy Ridge, Passchendaele and Amiens.

Those who lived then and the historians who followed would declare that Canada came of age because of its actions and ingenuity during World War I.

But where history speaks of national sacrifice and achievement, it is too often silent on the individual stories of triumph, tragedy and terror of those who fought and died on the terrible killing fields of France and Belgium.

Those who went to war at the request of their nation could not know the fate that lay in store for them. This was a war of such overwhelming sound, fury and unrelenting horror that few combatants could remain unaffected.

For the majority of the Canadians who took up arms and paid the ultimate sacrifice, we know little of their final moments, except that they died in defence of freedom.

Today I want to talk about 23 of our fallen. I would like to tell the House about these soldiers because these circumstances were quite extraordinary. These 23 soldiers of the Canadian Expeditionary Force occupy an unusual position in our military history. They were lawfully executed for military offences such as desertion and, in one case, cowardice.

We can revisit the past but we cannot recreate it. We cannot relive those awful years of a nation at peril in total war, and the culture of that time is subsequently too distant for us to comprehend fully.

We can, however, do something in the present, in a solemn way, aware now, better than before, that people may lose control of their emotions, have a breakdown for reasons over which they have little control. For some it would have been known today perhaps as post-traumatic stress disorder.

To give these 23 soldiers a dignity that is their due and to provide a closure for their families, as the Minister of Veterans Affairs on behalf of the Government of Canada, I wish to express my deep sorrow at their loss of life, not because of what they did or did not do but because they too lie in foreign fields where poppies blow amid the crosses row on row.

While they came from different regions of Canada, they all volunteered to serve their country in its citizen-army, and that service and the hardships they endured prior to their offences will be recorded and unremembered no more.

Allow me to enter their names into the record of the House: Quartermaster Sergeant William Alexander, Bombadier Frederick Arnold, Private Fortunat Auger, Private Harold Carter, Private Gustave Comte, Private Arthur Dagesse, Private Leopold Délisle, Private Edward Fairburn, Private Stephen Fowles, Private John Higgins, Private Henry Kerr, Private Joseph La Lalancette, Private Come Laliberté, Private W. Norman Ling, Private Harold Lodge, Private Thomas Moles, Private Eugene Perry, Private Edward Reynolds, Private John Roberts, Private Dimitro Sinizki, Private Charles Welsh, Private James Wilson and Private Elsworth Young.

We remember those who have been largely forgotten. For over 80 years, they have laid side by side with their fallen comrades in the cemeteries of France and Belgium.

I am announcing today in the Chamber that the names of these 23 volunteers will be entered into The First World War Book of Remembrance along with those of their colleagues. Adding the names of these citizen soldiers to the pages of this sacred book, which lies in the Memorial Chamber not far from here, will be a fair and just testament to their service, their sacrifice and our gratitude forevermore.

Lest we forget.

With info from Wikipedia, the Canadian War Museum and OpenParliament.ca

Indigenous Veterans Day 2023

“Today, on Indigenous Veterans Day, we express our heartfelt gratitude to all First Nations, Inuit, and  Métis service members who have served in the Canadian Armed Forces. On this day, we also remember those who never made it home and those whose lives – and the lives of their families – were forever changed by conflict and war…

We all have a duty to remember and honour the sacrifices of Indigenous Peoples who have answered the call to serve. On behalf of the Government of Canada, I encourage everyone to take some time today to honour Indigenous Veterans and learn more about their past and current contributions to Canada’s proud military history.”

From the statement by Prime Minister Trudeau,
8 Nov 2023

Chief Percy Joe

On this 2023 Indigenous Veterans Day, we also want to recognize the military service of Indigenous and Métis soldiers particularly those who served in The Queen’s Own Rifles – both reserve and regular force – and in the battalions from the First World War which we perpetuate.

The latter include the 3rd Battalion, 83rd Battalion (Queen’s Own Rifles), 95th Battalion, 166th Battalion QOR, 198th Overseas Battalion Canadian Buffs, and the 255th Battalion (QOR) of the Canadian Expeditionary Force.

The museum’s research to date has identified thirty-four indigenous and four Métis who served with the above, and ten of whom gave the ultimate sacrifice.

Rifleman Charles Nahwegezhic, MM

We invite you to learn more about the soldiers listed below, several of whom include links to more extensive profiles. A † following their name indicates they died while serving.

A few of note are Rifleman Herman Stock who died on Juno Beach on D-Day, Rifleman Charles Nahwegezhic who was awarded the Military Medal before being killed in action in Holland near the end of WWII, Oronhyatekha (also known as Peter Martin) – a nineteenth-century member of the QOR who has a life story worthy of a film, and Chief Percy Joe whose profile include a recent interview with our Museum Director.

We also invite you to share any additional names or information by leaving a comment a the bottom of this post.

Lest We Forget

Indigenous:

  1. Amiskuses, Vincent – Kawacatoose First Nation – Saskatchewan (WWII/Peacekeeper)
  2. Bain, 868003 Acting Lieutenant John Faquhar – Prince Albert, Saskatchewan (182 Bn WWI with 2 1/2 yrs previous service with QOR)
  3. Beaver, Rifleman Arthur William – Alderville First Nation, Ontario (WWII) †
  4. Bressette, Lloyd Henry – Kettle and Stony Point First Nation, Ontario (WWII)
  5. Cada, Paul Senior – Sheshegwaning First Nation (WWI)
  6. Carlson, Frederick – Ojibway (Korea)
  7. Chappise (Wemaystikosh), 486620 Private Peter Rupert – Cree from Chapleau and Moose Factory, Ontario (3rd Bn WWI) †
  8. Dreaver, 886518 Corporal Joseph Sr. MM – Cree from Mistawasis First Nation – Saskatchewan. –  Band Chief post-war (107th -> 3rd Bn WWI, WWII)
  9. Eagle, Sergeant James Wilfred – Saulteaux Ojibway Valley River Reserve – Manitoba (The Memory Project interview) (Korea)
  10. Eagle, Norbert James – Ojibway from Ohskaning Reserve – Manitoba (Reg Force)
  11. Ewenin, Rony – Kawacatoose First Nation, Saskatchewan (Korea)
  12. Franklin,  201795 Private William Henry – Mississauga from the Alderville Band – Roseneath, Ontario (95th –> 4th Bn WWI) †
  13. George,  Rifleman Harold Wayne (Reg Force) †
  14. Harper, Louis – Wasagamack – Manitoba (Reg Force)
  15. Jamieson, Corporal Harold – Oshweken, Ontario – Six Nations of the Grand River First Nation (WWII) †
  16. Joe, Percy – Shackan First Nation, British Columbia (Reg Force)
  17. King, SL163037 Rod – Lucky Man Cree Nation, Saskatchewan (Reg Force)
  18. Lavelley, 788954 Private Peter – Golden Lake Band, Ontario (3rd Bn WWI) †
  19. Ledoux, Phillip
  20. McLaren, Peter Bertram Dalton – Timiskaming First Nation, Ontario (WWII)
  21. Morrison, Joseph – Anishinaabeg of Naongashiing (Big Island) First Nation
  22. Nahwegezhic, Rifleman Charles MM – Anishinaabe from Sheguindah First Nation (WWII) †
  23. Okemaysim, Napoleon – Cree-Assiniboine, Beardy’s and Okemasis First Nation – Sask. (Reg Force?)
  24. Oronhyatekha (also known as Peter Martin) – Mohawk
  25. Ross, Steven M. – Cree from Montreal Lake, Saskatchewan (Reg Force)
  26. Runns, Fredrick Sr. – Nakota from Carry the Kettle First Nation – Sintaluta, Saskatchewan (WWII & Post-war??)
  27. Ryder, Andrew – Nakota from Carry the Kettle First Nation – Sintaluta, Saskatchewan (WWII plus Germany 1949-1952)
  28. Smith, Frederick William – Chippewas of Rama First Nation, Ontario (WWII)
  29. Stock, Rifleman Herman  – Haudenosaunee from Gibson Band [Wahta Mohawk] Sahanatien, Ontario (WWII – KIA D-Day) †
  30. Thomas, 9254 Private Charles Alfred – Haudenosaunee from Six Nations First Nation, Oshweken, Ontario (QOR & 3rd Bn WWI) †
  31. Thomas, 9255 William Sherman – Mohawk from Brantford, Ontario (QOR & 3rd Bn)
  32. Wemigwans, B139461 Private Isadore – 3 Fires Confederacy from Wikwemikong – Manitoulin Island, Ontario (WWII)

Métis

  1. Duva, Alcide Joseph Alzear (Post war Germany)
  2. Ferland, Rifleman Norman Philip (Korea) †
  3. Paquette, Joseph R. (1st Bn Reg Force)
  4. Riel, Sergeant I.J. (Reg Force) Great-nephew of Louis Riel

 

Gothas Over London

This article appeared in the The Maple Leaf magazine of the Central Ontario Branch Western Front Association (Vol.39, Fall 2021) and is kindly reproduced with permission of the author, Glenn Kerr.

Two Canadian soldiers survive the trenches only to be killed on last day of leave in London.

By Glenn Kerr

In the spring of 1917, Londoners carried on with an ease that had grown with an extended period of peace in the skies over England. It had been eight months since the last Zeppelin appeared over the city with its deadly cargo of bombs and the threat of terror brought by the airships had been successfully met withby new tactics and the Royal Flying Corps. A year had passed since Lt. William Leefe Robinson unloaded his magazines of incendiary ammunition into the SL11 in the high-altitude darkness bringing down the German airship over the village of Cuffley. It became clear to the Germans that sending the lumbering airshifts across the North Sea on these missions was no longer an effective way of bringing the war to English soil. A new approach was needed.

Sergeant Bartley Gibson Lumley #602944 was a 26-year-old railway worker from Iona, Ontario. The First World War would forever connect him with Private Albert Henry Bond #602952, a newly married 20-year-old brickmaker from nearby Woodstock. Both men were declared fit by the 34th Battalion medical officer when they enlisted with the Canadian Expeditionary Force 18 August 1915 and their friendship and path together to the Great War began. They did not wait long for active service and sailed for England from the port of Montreal on the SS California on 23 October 1915 and arriving on 1 November 1915. With casualties at the front consuming men at an alarming rate, the 34th met the same fate as many battalions arriving in England: supplying reinforcement drafts to the front-line units. And so, after a brief stay with the 23rd Reserve Battalion, the two friends found themselves separated. Lumley was dispatched to the 2nd Battalion from Eastern Ontario on 26 March 1916, while Bond was sent to Toronto’s 3rd Battalion. The 1st Brigade of the 1st Canadian Division would be their home for the rest of the war, a war with almost three long years to go.

On 14 April 1916, Private Bond caught up to his new unit and began his life in the trenches in the shattered landscape near Bedford House in the Ypres Sector. The 3rd had gone back into the trenches on the 10th, ironically relieving the 2nd Battalion that had welcomed Lumley the previous day. The Battalion diary on the day of his arrival listed the weather as fine with no activity, but the 3rd had lost one of their originals, Private Britton had survived the gas attacks at St Julian, but had now been killed by a sniper on the day of Bond’s arrival. As the men of the 3rd buried Private Britton, 80 km away, a Belgian airfield near Ghent hid a carefully guarded project, a secret weapon if you will, and the Germans for a time believed it would win them the war. Its imposing name was chosen specifically to instill awe in the citizens of England who would live again in fear in the spring of 1917, when the Gotha German heavy bombers first appeared. Ernst Brandenburg had been chosen to lead the new England Squadrons or Englandflieger. At the onset of war, he had served as an infantry officer but severe wounds in 1915 brought him to the Air Service. On the morning of 25 May 1917, he led his squadron of 23 Gothas into the sky toward England.

The first stop was the airfield at Nieuwunster, 40 miles away, where the thirsty aircraft with a crew of three, topped off their tanks before the 175-mile trip across the English Channel to London. With a range of 500 miles, and taking into account time over the targets, every drop of fuel would be precious. One by one the bomb and fuel laden Gothas lifted off the grassy runway under the power of twin 160 hp Benz motors assisted by a 71-foot wingspan. The Gothas could maintain speeds of 88 mph and reach altitudes of 16,000 feet well above the capability of defending British aircraft. And with a load of 14 60-pound bombs, the Germans had every right to feel their new weapon would change the war.

As the war raged on, Private Bond saw action across the Somme, Ypres, Vimy and Arras without so much as a scratch. In fact, his only medical issues involved a bout of influenza. His 3rd Battalion would finish the war with 21 Battle Honours and two Victoria Cross recipients and of the two thousand soldiers who served with the 3rd, only 40 originals would return from the war in 1919. His friend Bartley Lumley was also in the thick of the fighting with the 2nd Battalion and had survived the assault on Vimy 9 April 1917 and was awarded the Military Medal for bravery. He distinguished himself in the trenches and was promoted three times, eventually arriving with the First Canadian Trench Mortar Battery in July 1917, just prior to the Canadian Corp’s attack on Hill 70. The two friends from a quiet part of Eastern Ontario were seeing the war in all its forms and horrors but were alive.

By the time the Squadron of Gothas had reached the coast of England, Ernst Brandenburg found himself with 21 of the original 23 bombers that had set out from Nieuwunster. They made their way along the Thames Valley completely unopposed and expecting clear skies over London only to find the city obscured by cloud cover. With no distinguishable target the squadron turned southeast and the target-rich industrial and staging areas of England. Lympne Airfield near the coast was a busy hub for aircraft returning from France and was one of the first targets to receive bombs from the Gothas destroying numerous aircraft on the ground. The group then followed the coast toward Folkstone, the final stop for troop and munitions trains before crossing the Channel. The resort town and busy military staging area received the full might of the raid. Bombs rained on the town destroying buildings, killing nearly 100 and wounding 260. In 10 minutes over Folkestone, the first raid of the Gotha Heavy Bombers had brought death, destruction and a new sense of fear and unease to the people of England. Ernst Brandenburg and his Gothas, dubbed The Kaiser’s Secret Weapon, had successfully brought the war to English soil and the era of intense aerial bombing was born.

Weeks would pass before weather conditions appeared favourable enough for another attempt on London, but on 13 June 1917, Brandenburg had a window and led 14 Gothas in the first massed aircraft attack of the war on the British capital. The primary target for the mission was Liverpool Station, but secondary targets were hit causing many deaths and by lunch time, 72 bombs had rained down around Liverpool Station and Londoners counted 162 dead and 432 wounded citizens including many children, 18 by one direct hit on the Upper North Street School. The following day the East London Advertiser newspaper’s headline read, “Children Killed in German Air Raid”.

Brandenburg and his squadron mates celebrated his successful raid later that night with a party but an inquest delivered in the aftermath of the attack revealed that the Gothas were dropping high explosive bombs filled with shrapnel on civilian targets and the morality of the weapon and wounds to the civilian population was drawn into question. As the individual stories of tragedy emerged, there were also stories of heroism such as the actions of Police Constable Alfred Smith who was killed by a bomb only moments after dispersing a crowd of factory workers that had gathered in the street. He left a wife and three-year-old son and, in 2017, his relatives gathered on the site of his death and dedicated a plaque in his honour.

The Gothas returned on 7 July 1917 with 21 aircraft newly under the command of Captain Rudolf Kleine, who had replaced Brandenburg who had lost his leg in a crash. The raid was met by ineffective defences of anti-aircraft fire and the 95 British planes sent aloft to meet the threat were unable to catch them. The cost was 57 killed and 97 wounded and the Gothas’ crews, with a sense of invincibility, continued to arrive over England, but the British prioritized development of counter measures and the Gotha strategy soon would be forced to evolve.

On the night of 4 September 1917, Sergeant Bartley Gibson Lumley and Private Albert Henry Bond sat a world away from their peaceful farm communities in Canada. In the front lobby of a London hotel, the two veteran soldiers enjoyed the final hours of a welcome leave together on Agar Street in the Strand district of London. Their return to life in the trenches, where they had both toiled for nearly two years, was undoubtedly a topic of conversation. Meanwhile, across the English Channel, Captain Rudolf Kleine was launching his squadron of 11 Gotha heavy bombers, at five-minute intervals to avoid collisions, into the night skies in the direction of England. Formation flying for the trip across the Channel was not possible on the first night bombing raid of the war on an unsuspecting London.

Not long into the mission, two aircraft from the staggered line of bombers turned back with mechanical issues. The remaining nine carried on and safely crossed over the English coast where five set off for central London leaving four to attack targets on the fringes around Essex, Suffolk and Kent. Just before midnight, the five Gothas began dropping their bombs into different areas of central London. In the confusion of the unexpected night raid, the Royal Flying Corp sent 18 aircraft into the sky to meet the threat. Anti-aircraft fire combined with an accompaniment of search lights were also brought into action but the Gothas, acting independently, were difficult targets.

As bombs began to land across London, one of the aircraft approached from the north and dropped its first bomb into Oxford Street, not far from Hyde Park and Buckingham Palace. The noise in all likelihood was heard by an unsuspecting Lumley and Bond, who would have had no time to react before the next bomb landed in front of their Agar Street hotel. It was a terrible blast and fragments struck Lumley in the head, chest and abdomen, while Bond received serious head injuries. A 64-year-old woman, Eileen Dunleary, was also struck. Lumley was carried to the hospital in his chair, but all were pronounced dead at the hospital.

Three more bombs fell in quick succession from the Gotha as it completed its run between the Strand and the Victoria Embankment roadway along the Thames. Alfred Buckle was driving his single-decker Tram along the embankment when he heard the explosions and sped up with the hope of sheltering in the Kingsway Tunnel, but his tram sustained a near direct hit as he passed the Cleopatra’s Needle monument. The blast killed two passengers and mortally wounded Buckle. Witnesses reported that despite having his leg blown off, he stayed at the controls and applied the stop lever before succumbing to his wounds. Cleopatra’s Needle and the nearby Sphinx were heavily damaged by the blast and still bear the scars to this day from the explosion that killed tram driver Buckle and two passengers. Captain Rudolf Kleine’s night raid on London had killed 16 and wounded another 56 but one Gotha was shot down by anti aircraft fire and disappeared into the River Medway.

The unfortunate stray bomb that killed the young Canadian soldiers was believed to have been meant for the Charing Cross Station. Their military files were updated with the cold reality of their demise, “Killed by enemy bombs during a hostile air raid whilst on leave in England”. They were buried side by side at Brookwood Military Cemetery in Surry. The following June, the Governor General of Canada presented Sergeant Lumley’s posthumous Military Medal to his sister Mildred in an emotional service in London, Ontario. The headlines of the day read; “Sister of a Dead Hero Given M.M by His Excellency”.

Captain William Wendell Rogers

The tragic story of Sergeant Lumley and Private Bond came full circle 12 December 1917 when Canadian Pilot, Captain Wendell Rogers from Prince Edward Island, led a patrol of five Nieuport aircraft over the Ypres sector of Belgium. While climbing through the clouds, the small patrol came upon two Squadrons of Gotha Bombers that immediately opened fire from above. Maneuvering out of range, the Nieuports skillfully climbed above and behind the enemy formations where they opened fire on the three trailing aircraft. Rogers then selected the centre aircraft and fired a burst into the fuselage scoring a direct hit near the observer, sending the aircraft plummeting towards earth. Following his target, he witnessed two of the crew jump from the burning aircraft prior to an explosion. He did not know it, but Captain Wendell Rogers had shot down, not only the first Gotha over Europe, but he had killed Captain Rudolf Kleine, and avenged the deaths of Lumley and Bond.

Australian soldiers on the ground, who witnessed the crash of the Gotha, presented Captain Rogers with the fabric black iron crosses from the wings as a trophy for his unique aerial victory. He proudly displayed one in his Squadron’s Mess. Sadly, it was lost when the Germans overran the area during the 1918 offensive. The other was displayed in a number of sites over the years before it was donated to the Canadian War Museum in 2004 by Lloyd Rogers, son of Captain Wendell Rogers, who died in St John, NB in 1967. The Gotha he shot down that afternoon was his seventh victory of the war; he would finish with nine.

 

Two-seater Ace: Andrew Edward McKeever, DSO, MC, DFC

Canadian pilot and his observer took on 8 enemy aircraft in one dogfight

By Rod Henderson
(Reprinted with permission from “The Maple Leaf”, magazine of the Central Ontario Branch Western Front Association, Volume 38, Fall 2020 issue.)

Major Andrew McKeever, DSO, MC

Major Andrew E. McKeever, the “King of the two-seaters” sits at 10th in the ranking of Canadian aces of the Great War with 31 aerial victories. McKeever was born on 21 August 1894 in Listowel, Ontario. He attended Central Technical School in Toronto and was working as a bank teller at the outbreak of war.

McKeever joined the Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada, a Toronto militia unit, in October 1915. Some biographies mistakenly indicate that McKeever went overseas and served in France as an infantryman. In fact, he remained in Canada and joined the Royal Flying Corps from Canada in November 1916, sailing for England on the 25th. On 5 December he was appointed to the rank of probationary Second Lieutenant.

His aviation training began in January 1917 at the School for Military Aeronautics at Oxford, England. He received flying instruction at Northolt and graduated as a pilot at Hounslow in late April. On 28 May 1917 he was posted to Number 11 Squadron as they were transitioning from the Royal Aircraft Factory FE2b to the Bristol F2b (image above). This aircraft was typically armed with a forward-firing .303 Vickers machine gun. The F2b carried an observer/gunner in a rear-facing seat immediately behind the pilot. The observer’s position was armed with one or two Lewis guns. This aircraft gained the nickname “Brisfit”.

McKeever with officers of No. 1 & 2 Fighting Squadron, Canadian Air Force, Upper Heyford, Oxon / Canada. Dept. of National Defence/Library and Archives Canada/PA-006023

McKeever’s first victories came less than a month after he joined 11 Sqn. On 26 June he shot down two Albatros D.Vs while flying with Second Lieutenant E. Oake as his observer. This was followed by a three-kill day on 7 July, making him an ace.

McKeever was awarded the Military Cross on 17 September 1917. The citation notes a day in which he single-handedly attacked eight enemy aircraft and the fact that he had downed eight aircraft in a period of three weeks. He steadily racked up more victories over the summer and autumn, scoring three-kill days on 5 August, 28 September and 31 October. His observers accounted for 11 kills with Second Lieutenant Leslie Powell picking up eight of them. McKeever’s squadron-mates nicknamed him “Hawkeye” for his ability to spot enemy aircraft. He was promoted to Captain in late October.

McKeever in flying gear

His most distinguished day came on 30 November 1917 with Powell as his observer. That morning McKeever, volunteered for a reconnaissance mission 60 miles from his aerodrome that would take him six miles behind German lines. He took off in a pouring rain with low cloud cover. The sky cleared enough near his target that he was able to complete his observation mission. As he was turning for home, a large explosion caught his attention. A German ammunition dump had exploded and, after flying closer, he could see large numbers of German soldiers trying to get the situation under control. He decided “that it would be a good stunt to fly around close to the ground and sprinkle a few belts of bullets” at them to take “all the heart out of the poor Hun”. As he turned to tell Powell of his next move McKeever noticed four German planes at about 100 yards from his right wing and five more behind him, effectively blocking his escape back to Allied lines.

McKeever made an instant decision to fight. He quickly turned his plane toward the closer group of four, nearly colliding with one while firing his machine gun at it. The German plane went down in flames and McKeever had a clear shot at the next Albatross D.V. Again he fired and the second enemy aircraft went down. At the same time, Powell unleashed his Lewis gun and put a third enemy plane out of action. This exchange of fire happened in no more than 90 seconds and there were three German airplanes falling to the ground simultaneously. The fourth plane of the group broke away and joined the original group of five.

Against all logic, McKeever did not try to escape but instead flew farther into German territory. He turned to face his pursuers and brought down another with a quick burst as he passed through their formation. Powell also accounted for his second kill of the day during this pass. McKeever looked back at Powell to see why had not continued firing his Lewis gun. The expression on Powell’s face told McKeever that Powell’s machine gun was out of action. McKeever turned his Bristol back toward the Germans only to find that his own machine gun was also inoperable. German fire came at the RFC plane from several directions. McKeever decided on a ruse; he flopped his aircraft onto its side and it dropped toward the ground, appearing that he been hit and was falling out of control. The Germans fell for McKeever’s trick and they did not fire again or follow him down. McKeever recovered his aircraft about 20 feet from the ground and remained low, following a road and using trees as cover. Once he was confident that the Germans had left the area he turned for home, avoiding enemy ground fire as he passed over their positions. He arrived safely at his aerodrome with four more victories to his name. McKeever was awarded the Distinguished Service Order for this action.

Major A.E. McKeever, Canadian Air Force, Upper Heyford. OC No. 1 Fighting Squadron / Canada. Dept. of National Defence/Library and Archives Canada PA-006026

These would prove to be McKeever’s final kills of the war. His last aerial mission was in the first week of December and he was posted to England in January 1918 where he worked as an instructor for the remainder of the war. His total of 31 victories made him the leading two-seater ace of the First World War. He received the bar to the Military Cross on 18 March 1918.

In August 1918, the Canadian government authorized the formation of the Canadian Air Force, made up of Canadians serving in the Royal Air Force. McKeever was promoted to Major and placed in command of Number 1 Squadron in January 1919. The CAF was disbanded again in early 1920.

McKeever’s secondment to the Canadian Air Force ended on 16 August 1919 and he left the military on 28 August. He returned to Listowel before taking his new job as the general manager of the Mineola, New York airfield. On 3 September he was injured in an automobile accident. The injury did not heal properly and he was moved to Toronto to have a broken bone reset. Complications set in and he passed away on 25 December 1919. [He is buried in Fairview Cemetery, Listowel, Perth County, Ontario.]

Curator’s Note: McKeever wasn’t the only QOR to take to the skies – see Percy Hampton’s profile.

The Evolution of the Rifleman’s Uniform 1860-1900’s

Thanks to the hard work of our museum volunteer team and despite pandemic restrictions, the museum has produced this short video on the evolution of our uniform over much of our history.

In particular our thanks to:

  • Sergeant Graham Humphrey
  • Colin Sedgewick-Pinn
  • Steven Hu
  • Steven Ye
  • Anne Fraser

Making Connections to the Past

I would presume that most people working in museums inherently believe that preserving history is important – I would certainly hope so at least. And while preservation can be a monumental task all on its own, it’s really only half of the challenge. The real value comes in being able to share this history – to make it accessible in some ways.

When we think of museums, the first method of achieving this that usually comes to mind is through exhibits.  Visitors can see – and in some cases touch – real artefacts and are provided with additional background, context and perspectives to better understand the history we present.

This might be considered the ideal approach and while over 350,000 people visit our museum’s exhibits each year, we also know that many people around the world with some link with our Regiment, may never get that opportunity. With that in mind, we’ve tried to digitize much of our collection and make it available online, here on our website, on our Flickr site (over 10,000 photos currently),  Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. And we’ve also made our collection catalogue available online as well with images and descriptions of almost 2,000 objects entered to date.

All of this takes an incredible amount of work and coordination, and most of our volunteer team have contributed to this effort in some way or another.  But I’d be lying if I didn’t admit to occasionally wondering if anyone actually accesses any of this information, and if all this work is worth it.  The stats tell us that our Flickr site has had over 1,000,000 views and our website gets about 80,000 page views annually which is very exciting but still somewhat impersonal.

Occasionally though we get comments on our website about how the information helped them connect with a relative or letting us know they have more information to share – even objects to donate, and those always seem to make our efforts worthwhile.

Last month though, we received an email that couldn’t help but recharge the whole museum team:

“My name is Liz Grogan and I am the granddaughter of Sgt. J. Lutton 6164.

A couple of weeks ago, I was sitting with my 95 year old mom, John’s middle and only surviving daughter, Kathleen ( Kae) Smith who was browsing through a book I was reading for my book club called “The War that Ended Peace, The Road to 1914” by Margaret MacMillan.

Knowing that her father, my grandfather had been in WW1, I decided to google his name, and you can imagine my surprise and excitement to discover this:

John Lutton WWI Letter to Annie Deyell
This letter in our collection was written in 1917 in England by Sergeant John Lutton, 198th Battalion, to Annie …

I had researched his name prior to Remembrance Day on other occasions , but I had not seen this letter before!

So Mom and I sat together and I read the letter out loud as mom watched the screen. I had not scrolled through to see how long it was, so my thanks to WO Emily Kenny for her hard work!

I can’t express how magical this moment was, that I will never forget. We laughed, we cried and we were simply in awe of having this amazing opportunity to have a personal peek at the life and love between mom’s future mom and dad and my future grandmother and grandfather.

And to reflect that this letter is 100 years old is beyond magical!!”

When I read this email, I couldn’t help but smile and was clearly reminded that our efforts are definitely worthwhile!

Of course Liz was interested in how we came to have the letter.  In June a stamp collector in Nova Scotia contacted us because he had this letter in his collection and had found online that we perpetuated the 198th Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force. We quickly accepted his offer and the letter was soon in our collection.  WO Kenny just happened to be directing staff on a music course at CFB Borden for the summer and offered to transcribe the letter in her spare time so we could put it online.  The letter is long and rather rambling, and proper punctuation was not Sgt Lutton’s strong point but she soon had it done and we posted it to our website.

While this was happening we also researched Sgt Lutton’s life and service.  While training in England he contacted meningitis and was hospitalized for 6 months before being found unfit for overseas service and returned to Canada where he was hospitalized for another three months. Though he never made it to the trenches of France or Belgium, his story does illustrate the other dangers many soldiers faced from diseases and poor health conditions they faced just getting to the front.

Lutton was lucky enough to recover from his meningitis and married Annie in 1919. He died in 1948 and is buried in Park Lawn Cemetery.

We’re very thankful that Liz took the time to share their experience and to send us the delightful family photo below of Annie and John.

Annie (nee Deyell) and Sgt John Lutton

The Vickers and Lewis Machine Guns of the First World War

This article first appeared in RCMI Members’ News March-April 2017, written by Ryan Goldsworthy, Curator, RCMI Museum.

Photo credits: Billy Bishop: Department of National Defence; Lewis and Vickers: Eric Morse.

“Keep it up, boys; do not let them get through!”

The artifacts being featured in this edition of RCMI Members’ News Museum Pieces’ are the Vickers Machine Gun and the Lewis Gun. Both the Vickers and Lewis were widely used by the Allies in the First World War and both proved to be extremely reliable and effective. These particular weapons are being featured in this edition as a pair, because both guns were recently installed in dynamic displays on the 3rd floor short bar of the RCMI. The examples on display at the RCMI, both dating to 1915, were originally donated to the Institute in 1966 by Captain S. G. Sigel. Though the RCMI has been in possession of these weapons for over 50 years, they have never before been on display for members and their guests.

The 1915 Vickers on display in the RCMI is exhibited as it would have been mounted on the Western Front. The Vickers display is complete with a fluted barrel, tripod, water can and hose, ammunition box, 250-round canvas belt, and an oil can and brush. The RCMI’s Vickers is a spectacular specimen of its kind and this specific artifact was originally a gift from the 5th Prime Minister of Nepal of the Rana dynasty to the British Army in 1915. The Vickers Machine Gun, with a calibre of .303, was accurate from 2,000m and fired at a rate of 400-500 rounds per minute, but it could also fire indirectly as far as 4,000m. It was preferred by Allied soldiers in the First World War, because it rarely jammed or malfunctioned, it was relatively simple to operate and it had considerable range and power. The Canadians used the Vickers to great success at Vimy Ridge, utilizing its coverage and power to “thicken” the barrages that liquefied many of the German defences in the lead up to the battle. Indeed, the Vickers established itself as one of the iconic instruments of the Great War and it was notably featured on the badge of the Canadian Expeditionary Force’s Machine Gun Corps.

The Lewis Gun, though significantly smaller than the Vickers, fired the same calibre and had a more rapid rate of fire at 500-600 rounds per minute and was air-cooled instead of water. Though the Lewis was only accurate up to 800m, it was more portable than its larger and heavier counterpart and was used by both the army and the air force. The 1915 Lewis on display at the RCMI is suspended in a vertical case accompanied by several of its original tools, required for repair and maintenance, and a very rare anti-aircraft sight on the barrel. Unlike the belt-fed Vickers, the Lewis is instead loaded with a pan magazine on the top holding 47 rounds—which can be seen on display (the air force used 97-round magazines, pictured on Bishop’s aircraft). The Lewis was a versatile weapon that could be mounted by its bipod into nearly any terrain on the Western Front including trees and stumps. Becoming a Lewis-gunner in the CEF was equivalent to a trade and those proficient with the weapon had an “LG” patch stitched on to the arm of their tunic.

The Lewis Gun has also been featured in several citations of Canadian Victoria Cross winners during the Great War in otherworldly acts of heroism. In June 1918, Cpl. Joseph Kaeble of Saint-Moise, Quebec, repulsed or killed over 50 advancing Germans with a Lewis Gun on his hip. Despite being wounded numerous times by shrapnel and bullets, Kaeble “emptied one magazine after another into the advancing enemy” until he was mortally wounded and finally succumbed to his many wounds (his last words are the titular quote). During the Hundred Days Offensive, Pte. Thomas Ricketts of St. John’s Newfoundland, was able to save his entire platoon. When his Lewis Gun had run out of ammunition and his platoon was exposed to the advancing Germans, Ricketts ran over 100 yards and back through withering fire to procure more ammunition and then returned to his Lewis Gun to pin the Germans into a nearby farm. His platoon was then able to move forward without a single casualty and captured 4 field guns, 4 machine guns, and 8 prisoners.

In a last example, and perhaps the most famous, Capt Billy Bishop of Owen Sound, Ontario earned his VC in 1917 with a Lewis Gun affixed to his aircraft. Bishop single-handedly attacked a German aerodrome and downed several German aircraft—emptying out several drums of his ammunition. Though all three of these VC acts of “most conspicuous bravery” are rightly and roundly about the individuals who earned them, they also speak to the effectiveness of the Lewis Gun.

Ultimately, the strength of both the Vickers and the Lewis is confirmed by their longevity, both being used through WWII and well into the Twentieth Century. I would highly recommend the new exhibit of these weapons to all RCMI members, as they represent an important part of Canada’s military history.

Ryan Goldsworthy
Curator
Royal Canadian Military Institute

Major General Malcolm Mercer

THE HIGHEST RANKING CANADIAN OFFICER KILLED IN THE GREAT WAR BY FRIENDLY FIRE

Written by  Gordon MacKinnon and originally published in Vol 8, Issue 1 of the Canadian Military Journal.  Mercer was killed one hundred years ago today.

Deafened by a German artillery barrage, his leg broken by a stray bullet as he tried to move to safer ground, Major-General Malcolm Smith Mercer was fatally wounded by shrapnel from a British artillery counter-offensive trying to prevent the Germans from bringing up reinforcements.

The highest ranking officer of the Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF) to be killed in action in the First World War, General Mercer succumbed to his wounds in the early hours of 3 June 1916 in No Man’s Land at the foot of Mount Sorrel near the ill-fated town of Ypres, Belgium. But for the quick thinking and perseverance of a Canadian corporal sent out to locate and bury soldiers killed in the area, Mercer’s body might have been lost forever in the quagmire churned up by the shelling.

Instead, the general was buried in Lijssenthoek Military Cemetery on 24 June 1916 in a full military funeral with all battalions of the Canadian Mounted Rifles represented. He was also posthumously Mentioned in Despatches by General Sir Douglas Haig for his valiant conduct, the third time he was so honoured.1

Except among the Mercer family and students of the Great War, General Mercer’s name is virtually forgotten today. The absence of letters and documents has meant that historians have overlooked the contribution of this hard working, amateur soldier who endeavoured to solve the problems of the new trench warfare of 1914-1916. However, the contents of a diary written by Mercer during the period 22 August 1914 to 10 November 1915 – now part of the collection of the Queen’s Own Rifles Museum – give some insight into the conscientious officer who became the first General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the CEF’s 3rd Division.

Mercer was born on the family farm in what is now north-west Toronto. Until age 25 he worked on the farm, acquiring a high school diploma and then enrolling at the University of Toronto in 1881. He must have felt embarrassed at being older than other first year students because he under-misrepresented his date of birth by three years. The Great Fire at the university in 1890 destroyed the student records, so it is not possible to know exactly when he made the change. Contrary to dates in published biographical sketches, census evidence is conclusive that he was born on 17 September 1856.2

Mercer graduated in 1885 with a bachelor’s degree in philosophy. He then studied law at Osgoode Hall and was called to the Bar in 1888. While at university, he enlisted as a private in the Queen’s Own Rifles of the Non-Permanent Active Militia, a prestigious battalion of volunteers. Mercer did not exploit the social position open to him as an officer as he nonetheless rose steadily through the ranks. However, he did excel at rifle shooting, resulting in several trips, not only to provincial and national competitions, but also to the Bisley Rifle Competition in England – as a competitor, and, in 1909, as the adjutant of the Canadian team. The Queen’s Own Rifles grew to two battalions, and, in 1911, Mercer became Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant, replacing Sir Henry Pellatt, who was promoted to command the 6th Brigade.3 All known portraits of Mercer show him in the uniform of either the Queen’s Own Rifles or the Canadian Expeditionary Force. He stood ramrod straight, six feet tall with dark brown hair and blue eyes, as well as a generous moustache that completely hid his mouth. Most observers noted that, upon first meeting, he created an impression of cool reserve.

Mercer established a comfortable law practice in 1889 with classmate S.H. Bradford that lasted until his death. The contents of his estate, auctioned in 1925, showed him to have been a collector of art, and included European and Canadian paintings, sculpture, porcelain, and antique furniture. Many of the Canadian paintings were by Carl Ahrens,4 whom Mercer had supported financially when Ahrens was a young artist.

Later, a fellow officer described Mercer as “a man who above all else took a sane view of life; quiet and reserved, with a touch of cynical humour but great kindness of heart, he impressed one as a born leader of men.”5 His “even temper, kind and open nature” continued to be noted by his friends and admirers well after his death.

painting

Moonrise Over Mametz Wood by William Thurston Topham. The painting has been described by veterans as “an eerily accurate impression of the Somme battlefield in 1916”. Beaverbrook Collection of War Art, CWM 19710261-0752

The Call to Arms

During the early part of the 20th Century, Canada’s only perceived threat by land was an expansionist United States, and the country had depended upon maintaining good relations with its American neighbours to avoid a repeat of military invasion last seen in the War of 1812, followed by some unofficial armed incursions by the Fenians in 1866. Britain, then in control of Canada’s foreign and defence policy, followed a similar course of action and withdrew its troops in 1871, except for those garrisoned at the Royal Navy base at Halifax.6 Until 1904, by law, the General Officer Commanding the Canadian Militia had to be a British Regular,7 and the few remaining British troops were withdrawn from fortresses only in 1905 when the British decided to cease using Halifax and Esquimalt as naval bases.

The Canadian defence force in 1914 was very small, consisting of 3000 Permanent Force Active Militia and 55,000 Non-Permanent Active Militia, and a navy of just two ships.

 …the total authorized establishment of the [Permanent] Force was 3110 all ranks and 684 horses. It…comprised two regiments (each of two squadrons) of cavalry – the Royal Canadian Dragoons and Lord Strathcona’s Horse; the Royal Canadian Horse Artillery with two batteries, and the Royal Canadian Garrison Artillery with five companies; one field company and two fortress companies of engineers; one infantry battalion – the Royal Canadian Regiment; together with detachments of various service and administrative corps. The Permanent Force’s main peacetime functions were to garrison fortresses on either coast and assist in training the militia.8

Entry into the widely anticipated war was never in doubt, and plans to raise quickly a force of 30,000 volunteers had been made before 4 August 1914. However, this 1911 plan to give the commanders of the existing six Military Districts of Canada responsibility for recruiting the overseas battalions was peremptorily changed by Colonel (later Lieutenant-General Sir Sam) Hughes, the Minister of Militia and Defence in Sir Robert Borden’s Conservative government. Hughes initiated matters through a night lettergram to 226 militia commanders, ordering them to recruit volunteers.9 This impractical, impromptu, chaotic methodology eventually had to be modified, but it led to the CEF being composed mainly of numbered battalions, not battalions carrying the names of existing militia units.

Because there were very few professional officers, senior militia officers who appeared to be competent and had the right political affiliations and opinions were given senior appointments within the new CEF. Lieutenant-Colonel Mercer had never seen active service, but he possessed the political and religious qualifications needed to impress the Minister of Militia. He had even accompanied Sir Sam on a pre-war military reconnaissance tour of Europe, resulting in both men concluding that war with Germany was inevitable.10

When Mercer left Toronto on 22 August 1914 for Camp Valcartier, then under construction near Quebec City, he was in charge of the soldiers from the Queen’s Own Rifles. At Valcartier, he was given command of the 1st Canadian Infantry Brigade, composed of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4thBattalions recruited in Ontario.

The 1st Contingent of the CEF left Quebec City on 25 September 1914 on a fleet of passenger liners destined for England. Delays in the Gulf of St. Lawrence while waiting to rendezvous with its Royal Navy escort, followed by embarkation of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, compounded with the slow speed of the convoy, resulted in a 20-day journey to Plymouth. One man fell overboard and another was operated on unnecessarily for appendicitis; otherwise, the voyage was undoubtedly as dull as the weather was fine.

The Canadian Contingent was under the command of Colonel V.A.S. Williams, one of the few Permanent Force officers on board. This Permanent Force officer shortage was due to the fact that the Royal Canadian Regiment had been sent to Bermuda on 6 September to release a British Regular unit, the 2nd Battalion, The Lincolnshire Regiment, for deployment in Flanders.11 Williams, a graduate of the Royal Military College, Kingston, and the Adjutant-General of the Canadian Militia, would ultimately play a role on Mercer’s last day.

Winter in the Mud and Rain

Upon arrival at Plymouth, a British Regular, Lieutenant-General E.A.H. Alderson, who had been appointed after previous Canadian government consultation, took over command before the troops disembarked.12 Mercer was placed in command of Bustard Camp on Salisbury Plain near Stonehenge. The troops resumed the routine commenced in Canada that would continue their transformation from civilians into professional soldiers: route marching and physical exercises for fitness, and entrenching, bayonet drill, musketry and other instruction to improve their military skills. The conditions were appalling. The rapid expansion of the British forces meant that there was no extra barrack accommodation. Consequently, the Canadians were housed in tents. Contractors were building huts, and hundreds of carpenters and bricklayers were seconded from the Canadian Contingent to speed up construction.13 Slowly, the troops were moved into the huts or were billeted in private homes in the small villages nearby. There was never enough space, however, and Mercer’s brigade was the only one that spent the entire winter under canvas. Several severe storms blew down most of the tents and marquees. It rained 89 out of the 123 days that they were so quartered. Surprisingly, the health of the troops remained good, and those in huts and billets suffered more illness than those in tents.14

The 1st Canadian Contingent was renamed the 1st Canadian Division, and British staff officers were added to this largely amateur army. Inspections were frequent, and Mercer must have felt satisfaction when, after a Royal Inspection on 4 November 1914 by King George V and Queen Mary, accompanied by Field Marshal Lord Roberts (who was Honorary Colonel of the Queen’s Own Rifles at the time) and Lord Kitchener, Secretary of State for War, he recorded their comments in his diary: “No finer physique in the British Army. A fine brigade. Splendid.”15

Malcolm Smith Mercer

Major-General Malcolm Smith Mercer as General Officer Commanding of the CEF’s 3rd Division. Courtesy of the Woodstock Museum NHS.

Mercer Takes Command and Learns on the Job

All three brigade commanders of the 1st Division had spent many years in the Canadian Non-Permanent Active Militia, but only Brigadier-General R.E.W. Turner, VC, DSO, had combat experience. He had won his decorations as a lieutenant in the Royal Canadian Dragoons during the South African (Boer) War. Turner was the GOC of the 3rd Brigade, and, for a brief time, was also GOC of the 2nd Division. Controversy over his eventual handling of the Battle of St. Eloi Craters (June 1916) would result in his transfer to a staff position in England. Brigadier-General Arthur W. Currie, a Vancouver real estate broker and speculator, commanded the 2nd Brigade. He would later become commander of the Canadian Corps, earning a reputation as one of the war’s outstanding allied generals. Mercer had been in the Queen’s Own Rifles (QOR) for more than 30 years, but had never led troops in battle. The brigadier-generals and their soldiers would just have to learn on the job.

Four days before the brigade embarked for France on 9 February 1915, Mercer was promoted to full colonel.16 The training routine intensified in France and Belgium, where units of Canadians were placed in the front line at Armentières, along with experienced troops of the British 4th and 6thDivisions. Then the Canadians moved into the trenches at Fleurbaix, where their role was to hold the trenches defensively while the British 1st Army attacked at Neuve Chapelle. Mercer received another promotion on 2 March, this time to temporary brigadier-general. The brigade was at the Fleurbaix front from 1 to 24 March. Rotations of four days each in the trenches interspersed with four days in reserve billets resulted in the troops enduring 16 days and nights in the trenches. As it materialized, neither side attacked. However, Mercer demonstrated that he was not a ‘château general’ – to understand fully the conditions his soldiers endured, he visited the trenches on 16 occasions and the billets on five.17 After 1 April, the 1st Canadian Division took over four kilometres of trenches north of Ypres, where the British were assuming more of the line from the French. Training and inspections continued. On 12 April, Mercer records that General Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien, commander of the 2nd British Army, under whose orders the 1st Canadian Division operated, complimented him and the troops, saying that, “for steadiness and precision this Brigade was the finest Salute he had ever seen.”18

Although fatal casualties at Fleurbaix totalled only one officer and 29 men, the Ypres Salient was to be a much more lethal introduction to war. On 22 April 1915, for the first time in warfare, an enemy attacked using clouds of poison gas. The French colonial troops on the left flank of the Canadians were hardest hit by the gas and fled in panic, but the untested 2nd and 3rd Canadian Brigades filled in the gap and held despite the lack of any better protection from the gas than urine-soaked cloths.19 Mercer’s 1st Brigade was in Divisional Reserve in Vlamertinghe. Its 2nd and 3rd Battalions were transferred to the 3rd Canadian Brigade at 2130 hours on 22 April. Early on the morning of 23 April, Mercer was ordered to march the 1st and 4th Battalions across the Yser Canal, and attack in the direction of Mauser Ridge west of Kitcheners Wood. The attack failed for several reasons: there was little time for planning and coordinating the British, French and Canadian forces involved, and the Canadian troops had never attacked before. French troops failed to advance along the canal on the Canadians’ left flank and, in the same area, Geddes’s Detachment of British battalions under Colonel A.D. Geddes, commanding officer of The Buffs, 2nd East Kent Regiment, was attached to the Canadian Division, but was not under Mercer’s command.20 Mercer, with only two battalions at this time, had a complete brigade headquarters staff. Geddes had four to seven battalions but almost no staff. Of note, Colonel A.F. Duguid, in his official history of the Canadian Expeditionary Force, infers reluctance by the British to put a Regular colonel under orders of a Canadian militia brigadier-general.

[Mercer]…could have handled several attached battalions with ease. On the other hand Colonel Geddes was a regular officer, a graduate of the Staff College, and tried in the 1914 campaign. It may be noted that no regular British battalion was in the line under a Canadian brigadier during the battle.21

There were casualties of over 400 in each battalion, and the remnants of the 1st and 4th Battalions withdrew to Wieltje on the afternoon of the 24th. The 2nd and 3rd Battalions continued to fight under General Turner’s command on 24 April when another gas attack was launched. During the evening of the 25th, the 1st and 4th Battalions marched west across the canal, and the 2nd and 3rdBattalions rejoined the brigade at night. The 3rd Battalion, partly composed of men from the QOR, reported more than 400 men captured.22 On 28 April, the entire 1st Brigade was again under Mercer’s command, guarding the canal bridges and in billets for reorganization.23 For their conduct under fire, he and the three other Canadian brigadier-generals were named Companions of the Order of the Bath (CB) by King George V in his Birthday Honours List of June 1915. The award is given for military service of the highest calibre and only 144 military CBs have ever been awarded to Canadians.24

After two weeks of refitting and adding reinforcements, Mercer’s brigade marched southeast to Festubert, where it relieved the 3rd Brigade in the front line on 22-23 May. A company of the 3rdBattalion assaulted from the Orchard on the night of the 24th. A shortage of troops caused by casualties sustained at Ypres made it necessary to use the dismounted Canadian Cavalry Brigade under Brigadier-General J.E.B. Seely as additional infantry in this attack.25 In spite of further heavy casualties, no real progress was made. By the end of the month, Mercer’s brigade was back in billets in Béthune. On 10 June at Givenchy, a short distance from Festubert, the 1st Brigade relieved the 3rd Brigade in the trenches and was to be the main Canadian formation in the attack that began on 15 June.26 For the first time in battle, they would use the Lee-Enfield rifle in place of the Canadian-made Ross rifle that had caused problems in previous engagements. The Ross was an excellent target rifle, but could not stand up to rapid fire with British-made ammunition in muddy conditions.27 While more time was available for planning the assault, a shortage of shells and strong German resistance doomed the action. On the following day, an attack by the 3rd Battalion ran into heavy machine gun fire and was forced back into its own trenches. On the 17th, the 1st Brigade was relieved, moving back into billets. Mercer had protested to General Alderson that orders for Canadian troops to man the front trenches while a mine was exploded under the German lines were both dangerous and unnecessary. He was overruled, and subsequently, there were many casualties.28 By this time, Mercer was developing a reputation as a general who frequently visited his troops in the front line trenches to assess the situation for himself, and as one who was concerned about his soldiers’ welfare.29

At the end of June, the Canadian Division was sent to a ‘quiet’ section of the line near Ploegsteert; quiet only in comparison to the active areas they were leaving. The brigade received reinforcements and continued to integrate the new men through marching and training. Mercer notes that Field Marshal Sir John French, the commander-in-chief of the British forces, inspected the brigade on 14 July and was “very eulogistic on the quality of the Canadian troops at Ypres, Festubert, and Givenchy.”30

Back in Canada, enlistment continued vigorously. More troops had arrived in Britain; a second division had been formed and sent to France at the end of September 1915. This resulted in the creation of the Canadian Corps, with Lieutenant-General Alderson as General Officer Commanding (GOC). Major-General Currie became GOC of the 1st Division, and Major-General Turner took over as GOC of the 2nd Division.31 A third division was planned, and Mercer notes in his diary that on 23 September, “Gen A called – said he had a new position in prospect for me.”32 On 19 October, Alderson told him that he was being recommended for the position of GOC of the Corps Troops from which the 3rd Canadian Division was to be formed.33 The official notice of the appointment was issued on 22 November. Mercer subsequently was struck off strength of the 1st Canadian Infantry Brigade on 4 December and appointed GOC 3rd Division with the temporary rank of major-general.34 Thus, the GOCs of the three Canadian divisions had risen from lieutenant-colonels in the Non-Permanent Active Militia to major-generals in the Canadian Corps within 14 months. They had earned quick promotions, not only because of their achievements, but also because the Canadian government insisted that Canadians be promoted to command positions in their own army.

painting

No Man’s Land by Maurice Cullen. This was the drab reality of the Western Front. It was also where General Mercer would die. Beaverbrook Collection of War Art, CWM 19710261-0134

A Last Reconnaissance in the Trenches

When the 3rd Division was formed in December 1915, “…the six regiments of Mounted Rifles [CMR] were converted into four battalions of infantry, making the 1st, 2nd, 4th and 5th Battalions of the 8thBrigade under Brigadier-General Victor A.S. Williams.”35 They were holding the line at Mount Sorrel on 1 June 1916. The 4th Canadian Mounted Rifles (CMR) held Trenches 47-53 on the brigade right, and the 1st CMR held Trenches 54-60 in the left sector up to Sanctuary Wood; while the 2nd and 5th CMR were being held in brigade reserve at Maple Copse. On 1 June, the Germans dug a trench joining the heads of the saps they had made opposite Trenches 51 and 52.36 As an aside, Lieutenant-General Sir Julian Byng had been appointed GOC of the Canadian Corps a few days before on 28 May to replace Alderson.37 Under Byng’s command, the CEF was to develop into a formidable fighting force.

On the 1st June, he [Byng] visited Major-General Mercer, who explained the situation at Mount Sorrel and Tor Top [Hill 62]. General Byng then told Major-General Mercer that he wanted him to carry out a reconnaissance with a view to a local operation to improve it. Later he went round all the headquarters in front of Ypres. Whilst he was at 8th Brigade headquarters, Major-General Mercer came to make arrangements with Br-General Williams for this reconnaissance, and asked General Byng if he would come. After a considerable pause, General Byng said. “No. You had better go yourselves tomorrow and make your own proposals. I will come around and see them on Saturday.”38

Major-General Mercer and Brigadier-General Williams met the Commanding Officer of the 4th CMR, Lieutenant-Colonel J.F.H. Ussher, in his battalion headquarters, “…in a dug-out in the immediate support trench, about twenty-five yards back of the front line”39 to evaluate the situation. Just as the generals had completed their inspection of the 4th CMR trenches, German artillery smashed the 3rd Division’s front from 0830 hours to 1300 hours with the most intense bombardment witnessed up to that time. A shell explosion deafened Mercer and seriously wounded Williams in the face and head. Mercer’s Aide de Camp, Captain Lyman Gooderham, was knocked unconscious briefly but was not wounded. Williams was taken to the dressing station in a long, narrow tunnel that had two entrances: one a shaft dug from the communication trench known as O’Grady Walk, and the other in a shelter trench called the Tube. Mercer, Ussher, and Gooderham remained in the 4th CMR headquarters.40 Ussher went to the tunnel to check on the condition of General Williams and was trapped when enemy shelling blocked both exits. The German infantry occupied Mount Sorrel above after detonating four mines.41 Gooderham attempted to move Mercer from the headquarters dugout to safety across the open stretch, since all trenches had been flattened. In the process, a random bullet broke Mercer’s leg. Gooderham bandaged the wound and the two men sheltered in a ditch. That night, British artillery fired shrapnel shells to prevent the Germans from bringing up reinforcements. Gooderham, who had stayed with the general throughout this ordeal, recorded that between 0100 hours and 0200 hours on 3 June, shrapnel from these British guns pierced the general’s heart and caused his instantaneous death.42 He was three-and-a-half months short of his 60th birthday.

Major-General Currie had learned from earlier battles that saturation artillery bombardment was essential to infantry success. Employing this technique with some innovations, his 1st Division recaptured the lost ground within one hour on 13 June 1916. “The first Canadian deliberately planned attack in any force” states the British Official History, “had resulted in an unqualified success.”43 Several German counterattacks were defeated, and the fighting ended in a stalemate typical of trench warfare.

Grave

PA 004356 The grave of Major-General Mercer. 

Recovering the Body

Corporal John Reid of the 4th Battalion was one of a group of men assigned to explore No Man’s Land at night, tasked to locate and bury soldiers who had been killed in the German attack of 2-3 June. On the night of 21 June, his party found and buried approximately 30 corpses.44 Corporal Reid’s letter describing the finding and recovery of General Mercer’s body was published subsequently in a Toronto newspaper.

… I was examining bags of stuff that had been taken off the dead the night before when I came across a pass with “General Mercer” signed on it. Just think of the excitement then, as we believed he was in the hands of the Hun. I called Pioneer Range, as we were together out searching the night before and he said that must be the spot where they opened the machine gun on us…The real excitement then started for we were spotted as soon as we left the dugout and [it is] thanks to some shell holes that we ever got there. They were not contented putting the machine guns on us. They even sent coal boxes [heavy shells] over, and some near ones too. Anyway, by six o’clock, we got the body dragged to a shell-hole about five yards from where we dug it out, where it had been buried except one boot and about four inches of a leather legging sticking out of the mud. That disinterring was really the worst part of the lot, as we had to lie face down and scratch until we got the General’s body uncovered, and then we searched the body again and saw the epaulets with crossed swords and star. I then cut off the General’s service coat and placed the body in a shell-hole till after dark.45

Williams, Ussher, and Gooderham had all been captured by the Germans and became prisoners of war.46 Sir Max Aitken (Lord Beaverbrook) wrote at the time of Mercer’s death: “It is tragic to think that such a brilliant soldier, who had risen to the command of a division by sheer force of ability, should have died just as his new command was going into its first big action and needed his services so greatly.”47

Equally tragic, perhaps, was the fact that the fatal injuries Mercer suffered in the opening bombardment in the first major battle fought by his 3rd Division makes it impossible to evaluate his tactical competence. Organizational ability and hard work were his contributions to the development of the formidable Canadian Corps. He organized the 1st Canadian Infantry Brigade out of partly trained amateur soldiers, and then trained it so that it was able to withstand the first shock of battle at Second Ypres. He took 12 battalions of partly trained troops, of whom only the Princess Patricia’s Canadian Light Infantry had much front line experience, and from them created the 3rd Canadian Division, which, under his successor, was to become one of the best combat divisions in the British forces.

Gordon MacKinnon, MA, a retired Toronto high school history teacher, served as a teacher and vice principal in Department of National Defence Schools Overseas, Metz, France, 1962-1966.

NOTES
  1. At this time, the only valour awards that could be made posthumously within the British honours system were the Victoria Cross and the Mention in Despatches.
  2. Census of 1861, District 3 Township of Etobicoke, p .37. Census of 1871, District No.13 South Oxford, Sub-District A, Township Dereham, Division No. 3.
  3. Lieutenant-Colonel W.T. Barnard, The Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada 1860-1960 (Don Mills, Ontario: The Ontario Publishing Company, 1960), p. 104.
  4. Catalogue of Highly Important old and modern Pictures and Drawings, Piranesi etchings, fine old Delft Pottery…and works of Art of the Late Maj.-Gen. Malcolm S. Mercer C.B., …under Instructions from Executors, Toronto, Jenkins Galleries, 1928. Toronto Reference Library, 708.11354 J25
  5. University of Toronto Archives, [UTA] A73 0026/318/43.
  6. Desmond Morton, Understanding Canadian Defence (Toronto: Penguin Canada, 2003), p. 32.
  7. Colonel G.W.L. Nicholson, Canadian Expeditionary Force 1914-1919 (Ottawa: Queen’s Printer, 1962), p. 8.
  8. Ibid., p. 7.
  9. Ibid., p. 6.
  10. J.E. Middleton, Municipality of Toronto: A History, Vol. 2 (Toronto & New York: Dominion Publishing Company, 1923), p. 39.
  11. Nicholson, p. 24.
  12. Colonel A.F. Duguid, Official History of The Canadian Forces in the Great War 1914-1919, Vol.1 (Ottawa: King’s Printer, 1938), p. 120.
  13. Ibid., p. 137.
  14. Ibid., p. 142.
  15. Unpublished manuscript diary of M.S. Mercer, 22 August 1914-10 November 1915, QOR Museum, Casa Loma, Toronto, 4 November 1915. Hereafter referred to as ‘Mercer’s Diary’. No diary for 11 November 1915 to his death on 3 June 1916 is known to have survived.
  16. Ibid., 5 February 1915.
  17. Ibid., March 1915, passim.
  18. Ibid., 12 April 1915.
  19. Tim Cook, No Place to Run – The Canadian Corps and Gas Warfare in the First World War(Vancouver: UBC Press, 1999), p. 25.
  20. Nicholson, p. 67.
  21. Duguid, p. 266. The Buffs had a regimental association with the QOR. Colonel Geddes was killed on 28 April 1915.
  22. Mercer’s Diary, 25 April 1915.
  23. Ibid., 28 April 1915.
  24. Veterans Affairs Canada website http://www.vac-acc.gc.ca/general/
  25. Nicholson, p. 102.
  26. Mercer’s Diary, 10 June 1915.
  27. Ibid., 13 June 1915.
  28. Ibid., 16 June 1915. On 6 July 1915, he protested orders that 200 of his exhausted men be employed as a working party. On 7 August he records his indignation when his men are kept waiting for an inspection that had been cancelled without informing them.
  29. General Mercer was in the trenches nearly every day that his troops were in the front line. During the period from 1 March 1915, when Mercer’s 1st Canadian Brigade assumed active control of front line trenches, until 10 November 1915, when his Personal Diary ends, Mercer records 57 personal visits and inspections of trenches held by troops under his command. Mercer’s Diary, passim.
  30. Ibid., 14 July 1915.
  31. Nicholson, p. 115.
  32. Mercer’s Diary, 23 September 1915.
  33. Ibid., 10 October 1915. The promotion was announced in the London Gazette, 21 December 1915.
  34. Personnel Records Envelope, LAC RG150 Box 6121-45, Casualty Form.
  35. Captain S.G. Bennett, The 4th Canadian Mounted Rifles 1914-1919 (Toronto: Murray Printing Company Limited, 1926) p. 12.
  36. War Diary 1st CMR, 2 June 1916, War Diary 2nd CMR, 1 June 1916, War Diary 4th CMR, 1-2 June 1916, War Diary, 5th CMR, 1 June 1916.
  37. Jeffrey Williams, Byng of Vimy, General and Governor-General, (London: Leo Cooper, 1983), p. 120.
  38. Brigadier-General Sir James E. Edmonds, History of the Great War Military Operations France and Belgium, 1916 (London: Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1932) p. 231, fn.1. There is no source cited for Byng’s statement.
  39. J. Castell Hopkins, Canada at War 1914-1918 (Toronto: The Canadian Annual Review Limited, 1919) p. 146.
  40. War Diary 4th CMR, June 1916, pp. 3, 4, 5.
  41. Hopkins, p. 148.
  42. Letter from Lyman Gooderham to Professor Oswald Smith, University of Toronto Archives, UTA A73 0026-318/43.
  43. Quoted in Nicholson, p. 136.
  44. The 8th Brigade’s casualties for the battle of 2-3 June were 74 officers and 1876 ORs.
  45. The Globe, Toronto, 15 July 1916, p. 9, ‘Signed Pass Permit Finds General’s Body – Corporal Reid Tells Dramatic Story of Locating Remains of Gallant Mercer.’ There is no mention of this event in the 4th Battalion War Diary.
  46. The three officers were released in prisoner exchanges before the end of the war. Williams returned to Canada in late 1918 and was promoted to major-general in command of Military District 2 based in Toronto. The most senior Canadian to become a POW, he died in 1949 at the age of 82.
  47. Lord Beaverbrook, Canada in Flanders,Vol.II, (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1917), p. 175.

Launch of the “From Vimy to Juno” Travelling Exhibit

On Thursday March 31, we were pleased to host the launch of the “From Vimy to Juno” travelling exhibit and education program. The exhibit was created by the Juno Beach Centre in partnership with the Vimy Foundation and with funding support from the Department of Canadian Heritage.

Thanks to the Liberty Entertainment Group, operators of Casa Loma, the reception was held in the beautiful Casa Loma library with about 150 people present through the evening.

The formal remarks phase of the event was MC’d by Juno Beach Centre Executive Director Jenna Zuschlag Misener and included remarks by Jeremy Diamond, Executive Director of the Vimy Foundation; Major Shawn Stewart, Deputy Commanding Officer of The Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada; and the Juno Beach Centre Association President Mr Don Cooper. The formal portion of the evening was concluded by the Honorable Kent Hehr, Minister of Veterans Affairs who spoke and formally announced the Government of Canada’s support of this project.

QOR Brass Quintet at Vimy to Juno launch

We were also pleased to have three regimental skirmishers present and a brass quintet from the Regimental Band which performed throughout the evening.

A contingent of re-enactors from both WWI and WWII also provided excellent displays and contributed to the exhibit atmosphere with their period dress.

_MG_7438

Thanks also to our museum volunteers who helped through the evening.

At the end of the night the exhibit was moved to the Austin Room on the third floor and accessible from our Museum area where it will remain until April 17 when it will then move on to its next location.

The exhibit includes a major educational component and JBC has worked with Lisa Kaplan at Casa Loma on how this can be effectively used by visiting school groups over the coming weeks.

You can see more photos of this event on our Flickr site.

Looking for 3rd Battalion CEF Descendants

One of the friends of the museum WO (Ret) Bruce Walter CD, sent us a great photo of the HQ Lewis Gun section of the 3rd Canadian Battalion, Toronto Regiment taken on January 1st, 1919 “on the Rhine, Germany”. The photo includes his wife’s grandfather – James Herbert Smith.

Bruce recently wrote to us with an update and a request:

"It's been almost a year since I sent those pictures and I've even met a descendant of one of the guys who served with Leanne's grandfather!   The guy on the far left of the 2nd row is Frank Adderley (mis-spelled on the back).  He sits beside Leanne's grandfather, Herb Smith (2nd from left in the 2nd row).  Maureen Adderley is the granddaughter of Frank and we met her (finally) this past Remembrance Day.  

I'd like to initiate a search to find present day descendants of these men.  I'll be using the information from the back of the picture and also information taken from their Attestation papers.  From there I hope to "reach out" to localities and newspapers.  I was wondering if you could initiate an item on the QOR web page in case there are any descendants still contact with the QOR (or possibly still serving)!"  

So we’re doing just that. Below is the information from the back of the photograph about the soldiers.

If you have any information that you think might be able to help Bruce, you can contact him directly via email by clicking here.

Service # Name Initials Address Town
138005 BESSO J.W. 30 Murial or 30 ½ Hebet Ave Toronto
1096162 CHURNSIDE F. 464 Euclid Ave Toronto
916307 WILKES T.E. Lovering, Ont
757560 ISHERWOOD S. 34 Primrose Ave Hamilton
800109 BRIGGS J. Box 17 Holland Landing
202004 WINDLE F.W. 2 Fermenaugh Ave Toronto
201523 ADDERLEY F.d.S. 19 Lyall Ave Toronto
785103 SMITH J.H. 443 Wilson St Hamilton
A4197 SHARLAND T. 2185 Gerrard St. E. Toronto
139211 WIGGINS W.R. 1032 Ossington Ave Toronto
757162 PAGE T.W. Bronte, Ont
784781 LEWIS C. 172 East 23rd St Mt Hamilton
238196 HOUCHEN E.V. c/o W.J.H. Miller RR2 No. 8 St Thomas
669487 KERBY W.D. Copleston, Ont

“It is Written” painting on loan to our museum

This summer we were pleased to accept a loan of the spectacular painting It is Written by Brian Lorimer. The loan was facilitated by Honorary Lieutenant Colonel Brendan Caldwell on behalf of the Caldwell Foundation which owns the 5′ x 6′ painting which now hangs in our Riflemen Room. LCol Caldwell also donated a copy of the beautiful Project Remembrance book to the museum library.

Providing a glimpse into one of the more mundane yet psychologically important aspects of a soldier’s life, It is Written represents a soldier engaged in the quiet pastime of writing a letter home.

The canvas is inscribed with one-time Rifleman John McCrae’s “In Flanders Fields”. This canonical war poem was penned from the back of an ambulance after McCrae’s friend Alexis Helmer died as the result of wounds sustained in the Second Battle of Ypres and is perhaps the most well-known English-language poem of the Great War.

Project Remembrance is a fine art collection by Canadian painter Brian Lorimer that inspires remembrance and commemorates the centenary of the onset of The First World War. The paintings are a fresh and compelling rendering of the Canadian experience of the Great War, describing moments of individual fortitude and trial. More than that, they are a call to Canadians to consider and draw inspiration from the strength of character exhibited by our soldiers.

Their mission is to preserve, promote and celebrate Canadian history and heritage through the powerful medium of art. Their goal is to raise funds to assist in the betterment of Military personnel and their families. Funds raised with the support of Project Remembrance, individual and corporate donations are provided directly to the Support Our Troops Program.

If you would like to support Project Remembrance, you can purchase copies of the work as framed or unframed on paper, reproduced on canvas, as art cards or the book, via their online store.

We are extremely grateful to the Caldwell Foundation for this loan and encourage you to view it on your next visit to the museum!

100th Anniversary of the 2nd Battle of Ypres

Major Adam Saunders is a Queen’s Own Rifles officer currently posted to 32 Brigade Headquarters. His grandfather Thomas Cully, served in D Company, 3rd Toronto Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force. This article was written by Adam while in Belgium.

Most of the participants eyes were watering, as the scene at Vancouver Corner was an emotional one. The tears were from being lost in another time while listening to Belgian school children signing songs of peace and remembrance. One hundred years earlier the tears at this place were a result of the effects of the first industrial scale gas attack in history. Here we stood at the Vancouver Corner Memorial at 5 pm on April 22nd, 2015, lost in the nightmarish reflections of 5 pm on the 22nd of April 1915 when the German Army unleashed chlorine gas against the French portion of the Ypres salient. Canadians immediately felt the effects of the ensuing attack by the German ground troops. The French line had broken and the Canadian flank was ripped open.

Today school children, diplomats, history books, photos, the land itself all reflect the scars from 100 years earlier. The Canadian ambassador to Belgium, together side by side with the German ambassador to Belgium, laid a wreath at the foot of the Brooding Soldier monument on the 100th Anniversary. It was a fitting union of remembrance and forgiveness. The children sang songs of forgiveness, but nothing tells the story like the tens of thousands of graves and a few massive memorials in the Ypres salient marking the final resting places of a generation efficiently mowed down by industrialized warfare.

The Canadian 'Brooding Soldier' memorial was unveiled in 1923 to commemorate the Second Battle of Ypres.
The Canadian ‘Brooding Soldier’ memorial was unveiled in 1923 to commemorate the Second Battle of Ypres.

On April 24th 1915 the Canadians would soon have their turn to experience the full-on effects of chlorine gas. The gas was indiscriminate. It routed out mice and rats and rabbits from their homes in the ground and it strangled sheep and cattle. The gas also kills people. Our troops suffered the full effects of the chlorine gas, just as the French had two days previous. We were better prepared and managed to hold some of the challenged ground and many still hold that very ground. They are included on the lists of the missing and are more than likely in the ground in the area.

For a week previous in 1915, the Canadian 2nd and 3rd brigades had been occupying the front lines of the already infamous Ypres salient. They were tucked between the French on the left and the British on the right. Our 1st Brigade under then Brigadier General Malcolm S. Mercer (of The Queen’s Own Rifles of Canada) was held in reserve near Vlamertinghe. Finally after the Division was subjected to six months of awful weather, it was spring. It was a nice day.

Early on April 22nd it was becoming evident a German attack was imminent. The reserve brigade was put on short-notice-to-move a number of times. As pressure mounted throughout the day and that evening on our two brigades in the front line it became necessary to push the 1st brigade forward into the evolving battle. The battalions of the 1st brigade (1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th) were sent forward in pairs. The 1st and the 4th engaged in a heroic action up Mauser Ridge to establish some kind of viable flank to protect against the rapidly advancing Germans. The French army had all but ceased to be an effective force due to the initial gas attack and the Canadians had to re-establish some semblance of a protracted defensive line.

The 2nd and 3rd battalions crossed the Yser canal at pontoon bridge number 4, in the dark moving past Essex Farm where John McCrea’s medical teams were at the ready. They marched cross country past the ongoing flanking attacks of Geddes detachment and the 1st and 4th. As the 3rd advanced towards Mousetrap Farm which was the 3rd Brigade HQ, they suffered their first casualties from German artillery fire. Those who were killed were immediately buried and those wounded were the first guests of the newly established forward medical aide stations, manned by stretchers bearers, medics and battalion Medical Officers.

As the 3rd awaited orders, 400 yards away the 10th and 16th Battalions were ordered forward into the legendary attack of Kitchener’s Wood just before midnight. The battalions formed up in line by company and advanced in the dark towards the woods, using the North Star as navigation reference. They chased the Germans out at bayonet point and recaptured the guns lost by an London Artillery unit days earlier. The 10th and 16th ceased to be effective fighting forces due to the number of casualties they sustained, yet more was expected of them over the next few hours.

C and D companies of the 3rd Battalion under QOR Major Kirkpatrick were ordered to plug a gap in the line between Kitchener’s Wood and St Julien. These men formed up in line by company, and advanced cross-country in short rushes. They came under fire and fought a pitched battle from farm house to farm house. Our men dug in under fire and under cover of darkness. Many officers and men had been killed. From first hand accounts, the officers led from the front and their men bravely followed. In the morning of the 24th it was the Canadians turn to suffer a gas attack. Artillery fire preceded the gas and followed-on after the gas, as did masses of advancing German soldiers. The Germans were flanking the Canadians so the order to retire was given. The men of C and D companies had nowhere to go. Their comrades from A and B companies, just 500 yards away heard the withering fire as they ran out of ammunition and were silenced. Six wounded men had escaped from the two forward companies. The rest were killed, wounded or taken prisoner. The Ross rifles our men were using weren’t up to the task of such a fight.

Upper Canada College First World War prisoners of war including 3rd Battalion's Major Kirkpatrick.
Upper Canada College First World War prisoners of war including 3rd Battalion’s Major Kirkpatrick.

On our right an equally dramatic and heroic battle was taking place with the 13th and 15th battalions. A Victoria Cross was won that day by Corporal Fred Fisher of the 13th. Both battalions faced the gas attack, full on.

For the historians in the crowd we think deeply about the exploits of this one battle and the losses of so many brave souls. It doesn’t seem to make sense now and it was on an unfathomable scale, but our thoughts return to the Belgian school children finishing songs of peace and forgiveness. I stood today for my grandfather Thomas Cully service number 10014 of D Coy. I remember all his pals and their families from the 3rd on the solemn and historical day. I shared the day at this place with a few new and old friends, many of whom were here for the same reason as I. I was here to feel, to remember, to be sad, to look for meaning and to thank goodness for all that we have as Canadians.

Sadly there remain 4 years of such commemorations. We will tire of hearing about WW1 soon enough, yet imagine how tired a generation became of fighting it 100 years ago.

Private Harold Reginald Peat (3rd Battalion), Lieutenant Colonel Pete Anderson, DSO (3rd Battalion) and Sergeant Arthur Gibbons (1st Battalion) each wrote and published first hand accounts of this battle. They are well worth a read. Peat’s “Private Peat“*, Anderson’s “I, That’s Me” and Gibbons’ “A Guest of the Kaiser” are available online at no cost.

Adam Saunders

*Perhaps also worth noting that in 1918 Peat’s book was made into a silent film in which he starred as himself:

“This propaganda picture was based on a book of the same name by Harold R. Peat, and put together inexpensively by Artcraft/Paramount with the help of newsreel footage. Peat, one of the first North Americans to enlist in World War I, was actually a Canadian, but here they make him a red-blooded American. He is alone in the world, except for his girlfriend Mary (Miriam Fouche), and he is anxious to join up when war breaks out. But the army rejects him because of his small chest. He is despondent until he and his friend, Old Bill, concoct a scheme whereby they are both accepted. After a stint in training camp, Harry bids his sweetheart Mary goodbye and accompanies Bill to France. Following several adventures at the front, Bill is killed and Harold, in trying to save a load of ammunition, is wounded. Harold spends some time in a French hospital, after which Mary comes to France to bring her heroic private home.” [from silenthollywood.com